Generational Z and the Restructuring of Power in Africa: The Case of Madagascar

Madagascar, the country off the southeastern coast of Africa, experienced its latest military coup from October 12 to 14, 2025, when the elite military unit “Army Corps of Personnel and Administrative and Technical Services” (CAPSAT) rebelled against President Andry Rajoelina and joined the massive youth-led protests under the banner of “Generation Z Madagascar” against the government.
While the youth protests ultimately led to military control of power, other African countries, such as Morocco, Nigeria, Kenya, Uganda, and Ghana, also saw various protests and demonstrations between 2024 and 2025. This article seeks to understand these rising youth movements and what Madagascar’s situation indicates amid the country’s current political and economic conditions.
Demographic Shifts and Declining Social Contracts in Africa
In recent years, governance performance trends in African nations have varied; notable progress in economic and human development has been undermined by significant deterioration in governance, security, and political stability. While overall economic growth for the continent is expected to surpass the global average by 2025, driven by robust performance in many countries and the implementation of the “African Continental Free Trade Area” initiative—featuring several countries, like Benin, Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, and Rwanda, among the fastest-growing economies in the world—this progress is generally insufficient for tangible poverty reduction. This is due to the continuing risks associated with debt, which consumes around 27.5% of government revenues across Africa, up from 19% in 2019, along with structural weaknesses.
The 2024 Ibrahim Index of African Governance revealed stagnation in overall governance progress, with significant declines in security, rule of law, participation, rights, and inclusivity over the past decade. This decline has been fueled by the rise in conflicts, insecurity, and shrinking democratic space. It reflects a sharp fall in general perceptions of economic opportunities and increasing citizen dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy, especially among Generation Z (individuals born between 1997 and 2012), driven by a sense of a bleak future.
On one hand, Africa is characterized by its youngest population globally, with over 60% under the age of 25, and over 70% in some countries. While this demographic growth offers wealth and demographic dividends for the continent, it also increases the risk of instability when paired with high unemployment rates, which constitute one of the major challenges that their governments must address. Each year, between 10 and 12 million young people enter the African labor market, yet African countries collectively provide only 3.1 million formal paid jobs annually.
Statistics between 2023 and 2025 have indicated that youth unemployment rates are particularly acute in Southern, Eastern, and Northern Africa. In South Africa, the continent’s most industrialized nation, youth unemployment rates (15-24 years) are projected to reach 62.2% by 2025, alongside countries such as Angola, Kenya, Morocco, Ghana, and Tunisia, which all have similarly high unemployment rates. This situation undermines young people’s economic independence, increasing the likelihood of their involvement in political actions, participation in social unrest, or emigration, as is evident in countries like Ghana, Uganda, and Nigeria, where educated youth are frustrated by prolonged periods of unemployment.
Another pressing issue is inflation, currency devaluation, and the prevalence of poverty; these factors exacerbate the economic pressures faced by young people. The African Development Bank has warned that rising costs of energy, food, and other goods, along with currency depreciation in countries like Angola, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Nigeria, could ignite social unrest and internal conflicts. This sentiment was evident during the June 2024 protests by Kenyan youth against a proposed financial bill that would impose taxes on basic goods. This mobilization, known as “#RejectFinanceBill,” emerged through social media and forced the government to withdraw the proposed bill.
In Nigeria, hundreds protested in February 2024 against rising food prices in Oyo State, leading the government to distribute grain reserves. President Bola Tinubu’s economic reforms, including the removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira, saw inflation rise to 29.9%—the highest level since mid-1996—complicating life for Nigerians, 61% of whom live below the poverty line according to the World Bank.
Moreover, many recent youth protests have been sparked by governmental failures to provide essential services directly affecting daily life quality. A prime example is Morocco’s ongoing social services crisis, where youth mobilized under the hashtag #GenZ212, demanding improvements in public services, especially healthcare and education. Reports of medical negligence highlight the seriousness of the issue, as Morocco has fewer than eight doctors for every 10,000 people, significantly lower than international standards.
Corruption, political exclusion, and weak institutions lead to eroding public trust, turning economic grievances into overt political confrontations in various African nations. Pervasive corruption diverts resources and fuels public resentment and political instability, hindering development progress. Additionally, the continent loses nearly $88.6 billion annually—approximately 3.7% of its GDP—due to illicit financial flows.
Recent protests have revealed a severe imbalance between a limited elite and the majority of the population; weak and ineffective institutions, often entrenched in inherited policies and a culture of “dominant presidency” and “strongman” rule, fail to provide inclusive representation, leaving citizens, especially youth, feeling politically marginalized and excluded from decisions. This sentiment is manifest in youth attitudes toward certain national policies prioritizing external audiences (like tourists) and international ambitions (such as hosting the World Cup or enhancing international presence). Moreover, recent instances of political regime changes in sub-Saharan Africa show some leaders turning into “electoral autocrats,” ruling without sufficient checks, creating an environment ripe for impunity and failing to meet citizen needs. Poor administration of electoral processes and disputes over results have ignited widespread controversy, often exploited by the military to justify intervention and seize power.
From Digital Mobilization to Collective Action: Dynamics of Generation Z Protests
The recent Generation Z protests and the coup in Madagascar between September and October 2025 illustrate the close relationship between economic challenges, governance failures, and youth protests. These factors can be detailed as follows:
A. Economic Pressures and Social Grievances
The government’s failure to provide basic public services has spurred the recent protests in Madagascar, creating fertile ground for widespread discontent and expression of grievances among Malagasy citizens; with around 75% of the population living below the poverty line, the country ranks among the poorest in the world. The living standards for the Malagasy have not significantly improved under President Rajoelina, with a mere 22% increase in GDP per capita since he took office in 2009.
There is a critical jobs shortage, with only 5% of the population employed in formal paid jobs, exacerbating economic hardships and fueling public anger, especially in light of the perceived wealth and privileges of the Rajoelina family, including reports of his daughter’s luxurious clothing and his son’s enrollment in a prestigious Swiss school.
Protests began on September 25, 2025, due to ongoing water supply interruptions and frequent power outages in the capital, Antananarivo. Most demonstrators, mostly young people, claimed their movement was linked to the provision of basic necessities for survival and dignity, citing what they called misplaced priorities; government spending on allegedly unnecessary projects, like a $152 million cable car system in Antananarivo, starkly contrasted with citizens’ essential needs. This discontent was further fueled by stark disparities in power and resource distribution between a handful of elites and the struggling majority.
Corruption was also among the many issues highlighted by the demonstrators. Madagascar’s ranking of 140 out of 180 countries in the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (Transparency International) underscores the rampant corruption the nation faces.
Since gaining independence in 1960, Madagascar has experienced a tumultuous political history marked by military interventions, mass protests, and contested elections, with notable political crises in 1972, 1991, 2002, and a coup in 2009. These recurring political crises have hindered public policy implementation and increased Malagasy mistrust in leaders and institutions.
The latest coup in October 2025 echoed the 2009 coup, when Rajoelina himself came to power through military intervention after leading protests against Marc Ravalomanana, Madagascar’s sixth president who ruled from 2002 to 2009. The political turmoil climaxed with the rebellion of the elite “CAPSAT” military unit, overthrowing President Ravalomanana on March 17, 2009, with the unit quickly appointing Rajoelina as head of the transitional power. This coup led to international isolation for Madagascar, cutting off crucial financial support amid nearly five years of social, political, and economic stagnation. Even after nominally regaining civilian rule under Rajoelina, governance was plagued by a lack of legitimacy and political challenges often fueled by doubts over electoral misconduct and the credibility of electoral institutions. This was evident in 2023 when he was reelected in a vote boycotted significantly by the opposition, which claimed the elections were rigged in his favor.
Another major issue is Rajoelina’s ties with France; this relationship has been viewed as indicative of the political elite’s disconnection from Madagascar’s economic reality. In 2023, revelations of his French citizenship surfaced despite Madagascar’s laws stipulating the loss of Malagasy citizenship for anyone obtaining foreign nationality. Despite the loss of his Malagasy presidency in 2023 due to his French citizenship, he ran for and won that office. For a nation still grappling with the legacy of French colonialism and economic dependence, this dual loyalty was viewed as a significant betrayal, while some interpreted it as a sign of his greater loyalty to the former colonial power, disregarding its domestic implications.
Moreover, this relationship fueled the youth narrative—under the Generation Z movement—in their protests against systemic corruption and what they deemed national humiliation and irresponsible leadership favoring foreign entities. France’s continued economic and strategic presence in the country raised suspicions that Rajoelina’s government was more concerned with protecting French capital interests than serving the Malagasy people. This perception was reinforced when Paris evacuated Rajoelina from Madagascar on October 12, 2025, aboard a French military aircraft, which many Malagasy viewed as a “smuggling” operation by the former colonial power to safeguard its vulnerable client from accountability and public justice; thus legitimizing the youth’s demands during protests for a new system prioritizing national sovereignty and the well-being of the Malagasy people.
The CAPSAT unit’s defiance of Rajoelina’s orders to suppress the protests was critical to the downfall of his regime; Colonel Michael Randrianirina led the military unit to join the protesters, advancing toward the capital, Antananarivo, on October 11 and 12, 2025, seizing key government sites, including the presidential offices, claiming they were responding to the Malagasy people’s demands. Randrianirina called for the resignation of the president and the prime minister. After the complete takeover of power, the military disbanded several political institutions and stripped Rajoelina of the presidency on charges of “abandoning his duty,” while the Constitutional Court confirmed Colonel Randrianirina’s appointment as the new president of Madagascar on October 17, 2025.
Colonel Randrianirina hails from the village of Ifaho, South Madagascar, and is 51 years old. He held the position of governor of the Androy region from 2016 to 2018 under a previous administration, then became head of the elite CAPSAT military unit. He had been a vocal critic of President Rajoelina and opposed his presidency, which he resumed officially through the 2018 elections. Randrianirina was arrested in November 2023 and was imprisoned without trial on charges of inciting rebellion and planning a coup, before being released in February 2024 under probation.
B. Generation Z Madagascar Movement
The “Generation Z Madagascar” movement—or “Gen Z 261” (a reference to the country calling code)—represents a widespread and contemporary wave of youth activism in the nation. It emerged in full force in September 2025, initially fueled by the crises of chronic power outages and water shortages. However, these local grievances quickly transformed into a broader call for systemic reform, demanding an end to pervasive corruption, alleviation of extreme poverty, and securing a future for the youth. The movement’s demands expanded to include structural issues following the protests, calling for accountability from the political elite, starting with the resignation of President Rajoelina and his government.
Tracking the movement’s activities reveals that it has not placed significant emphasis on any particular political ideology; rather, it focuses on practical demands for good governance, social justice, and economic opportunities. Its organizational characteristics, communication styles, and symbolic adoption indicate that it represents a generational break from Madagascar’s long history of mass political mobilization. The most notable feature is the use of digital platforms for organizing and coordinating, giving the movement a horizontal, leaderless structure. Instead of relying on traditional political parties or major civil society organizations, the movement quickly formed online using platforms like Telegram, TikTok, X (formerly Twitter), Discord, Facebook, Instagram, and secure messaging apps like Signal to strategize its activities, share content, and mobilize protesting crowds. This decentralized structure makes it challenging for authorities to suppress the movement or target specific leaders and allows for spontaneity and rapid expansion into multiple cities.
Also noteworthy is the fusion of Malagasy local grievances with global youth culture and protest symbols. Protesters adopted the pirate flag from the Japanese manga/anime series “One Piece,” featuring a skull and crossbones symbolizing defiance against corrupt regimes, modified by replacing the traditional Malagasy hat with a straw hat. This use of pop culture memes and visual language makes politics more accessible and impactful, resonating beyond borders, inspired by similar Generation Z movements that have toppled governments in other parts of the world, like Nepal.
Madagascar as a Model for Fluid Legitimacy and Military Intervention
The recent Generation Z protests and subsequent coup in Madagascar indicate significant governance crises and deep economic pressures faced by the island nation specifically and the African continent generally; similar protests have led to notable political outcomes and hinted at the rising potential of youth discontent to change governing systems.
On one hand, the Malagasy protests revealed a stark failure of governance and a collapse of the social contract; citizens perceive the state as incapable of providing the most basic public goods. Initially triggered by continuous electricity and water shortages, the protests highlighted a chronic lack of investment in essential infrastructure despite the country’s wealth of resources. This engendered intense anger among the youth, who see their future actively compromised against others in other nations benefiting from advancements. The movement’s horizontal and digital nature, along with its rapid rise culminating in the successful ousting of the country’s president, reflects how youth have become a decisive political force unwilling to accept the status quo.
Following the new leadership in Madagascar, led by Colonel Randrianirina, immediate skepticism from protesters emerged, who rejected the appointment of General Rofin Zafisambo as prime minister, arguing it contradicted the structural change they had demonstrated for. This pressure prompted Randrianirina to acquiesce to their demand and appoint businessman and banker Herintsalama Rajaoanarivelo as the new prime minister, in addition to stripping ousted President Rajoelina of his Malagasy citizenship.
However, the rapid military intervention by the CAPSAT unit following the youth protests demonstrates the fragility of the “civilian” victory of Generation Z. This fits into the familiar pattern where non-civilian entities fill institutional gaps, with the military presenting itself as a corrective force responding to public calls for change. Nevertheless, the suspension of key political institutions and the constitution, as occurred in Madagascar and many other military coups, suggests a period of uncertainty and potential instability amid the country’s governance and legitimacy challenges.
Considering that Madagascar’s protests are not an isolated event, they represent a clear instance of a broader global pattern of Generation Z unrest sweeping through the Global South (as seen in countries like Kenya, Morocco, and Nepal); this movement also reveals another crisis, namely that young people in Africa no longer trust traditional political institutions (parties and unions), viewing them as part of the apparatus that fails in their national roles. This is emphasized by the basic demands of the protests being focused on “justice” and “structural change” rather than support for a specific opposition party.
Modern communication tools enhance the exposure of economic crises and failures of national policies under governance challenges, enabling rapid mobilization among youths, especially since Generation Z represents the first generation of the digital age, leveraging technology to coordinate actions and challenge the status quo; this digital literacy allows them to disseminate information regarding their grievances and living conditions and expose elite corruption, drawing inspiration from other Generation Z movements around the world.
It is worth noting that despite notable resistance from African governments and attempts to suppress youth protests, these movements have exhibited remarkable resilience. In Kenya, tens of thousands returned to the streets in 2025 to commemorate the 2024 protests, indicating sustained mobilization. In Nigeria, activists continued organizing through WhatsApp and Zoom in 2025, planning new activities while demanding the release of imprisoned protesters.
Conclusion
In summary, protests and demonstrations across various African nations since 2024 reveal the shared economic challenges faced by the educated youth demographic: a highly educated population grappling with rising unemployment, inflation, glaring inequality, and uncertainty about their futures. These challenges prompt this demographic to frame their activities as a practical struggle for survival through a methodology of leaderless digital movements that rapidly share cultural symbols. These movements illustrate a powerful new model of transnational civil resistance capable of toppling governments, posing a grave warning to ruling political elites. Moreover, all recent youth protests and other developments from various African countries, including Madagascar, signify a broader demand for a new social contract centered on national sovereignty, inclusive growth, and social welfare.
Sources
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