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Senegal: From Turbulent Past to Flourishing Future – A Study in Political and Social Transformation

Senegal stands out as a significant African nation that has experienced profound political and social changes, emerging as a distinct model of political stability and democracy in West Africa. Since gaining independence from France in 1960, the country has undergone various phases that oscillate between political turbulence and gradual progress towards establishing democracy. While many African nations faced military coups and civil conflicts, Senegal, despite facing political and economic challenges, managed to avoid chaos, thus solidifying its reputation as a beacon of relative stability on the continent. Today, Senegal stands on the threshold of a promising future, regarded as one of the successful democratic models in Africa, largely due to the pivotal role played by state institutions, including political parties and civil society organizations, in supporting political stability and social progress. The continuous democratic elections and peaceful transfers of power are prime indicators of this success.

This article will highlight the Senegalese context, focusing on the interplay between its tumultuous past, current reality, and flourishing future, while addressing the signs of political, social, and geopolitical transformation in Dakar through the following sections:

  1. Historical Introduction: French Colonialism and Senegalese Independence
  2. Peaceful Transfer of Power and Economic and Social Reforms Amidst Political Transformation in Senegal
  3. The Position of Major Powers in Light of the Rapid Dynamics in Dakar’s Political Scene
  4. Senegal in Regional and International Systems: A Vision and Analysis

Historical Introduction: French Colonialism and Senegalese Independence

Senegal was the first colonized entity during the 15th century by major European powers, including the French, Dutch, Portuguese, and British. It was also the site of Gorée Island, one of the earliest points for the transatlantic slave trade to the Americas. It was positioned centrally in French colonialism following the Berlin Conference, which epitomized the peak of white European competition for African territories—a process known as the Scramble for Africa.

French colonialism played a crucial role in shaping Senegal’s political and social trajectory—as it became one of France’s most prominent colonies in West Africa since the mid-19th century. French influence in Senegal began to expand gradually from 1659, with the establishment of Saint-Louis as the first French colony on Africa’s west coast. By the 19th century, Senegal had become a central base for French colonial operations in the region.

Under the framework of French colonial policy, a new economic and social system was imposed to serve colonial interests, transforming the economy to focus on agriculture catering to the French market, especially the cultivation of peanuts as a primary export crop. The colonial administration established infrastructure that benefited its economic interests while disregarding the developmental needs of the Senegalese people. In this context, a French legal system was applied in the colonies, leading to substantial changes in Senegal’s traditional judicial system.

Politically, France sought to implement a model of “assimilation,” attempting to integrate Senegal’s elite into the French political system. In 1848, the French granted the populations of Gorée Island, Saint-Louis, Rufisque, and Dakar the right to political representation by electing deputies to the French parliament, with Senegalese Blaise Diagne being one of the first Africans elected to this position in 1914. However, this right was extremely limited, restricted to those four urban areas, while the vast rural regions remained outside political influence. Despite French attempts to integrate Senegalese into the political system, growing nationalist resistance emerged against colonial policies. By the mid-20th century, the national liberation movement began to escalate, led by a group of intellectuals and political activists demanding full independence. Among the most notable leaders was Léopold Sédar Senghor, who later became Senegal’s first president post-independence. Senghor adeptly led the national movement, employing a diplomatic discourse based on negotiation rather than direct confrontation with the French.

In 1958, Senegal voted to join “the French Community” under Charles de Gaulle’s leadership, which granted it a degree of autonomy. However, domestic pressures for complete independence continued. On April 4, 1960, Senegal officially declared independence from France following negotiations led by Léopold Sédar Senghor and Mamadou Dia. That same year, Senghor was elected as Senegal’s first president, with Mamadou Dia appointed as prime minister. Senegal’s independence marked a significant turning point in West African history, being among the first instances of peaceful decolonization from European rule.

Furthermore, in the years following independence, the Senegalese government worked to reshape the state while maintaining strong ties with France within a framework of economic and diplomatic cooperation. Senegal remained a member of the “Francophonie,” continuing to use the West African franc as its national currency, reflecting the ongoing influence of French colonialism on Senegal’s financial system. Politically, Senegal successfully avoided the turmoil experienced by many African countries post-independence, due in large part to Senghor’s wise leadership, which preserved stability through the establishment of a single-party political system for an extended period, before starting to adopt gradual reforms toward political pluralism in the 1970s.

In conclusion, while French colonialism formally ended in 1960, it left a profound imprint on Senegal’s political, social, and economic systems—effects that remain palpable today, both in the bilateral relations between Senegal and France and in the country’s economic structure, which continues to rely heavily on agriculture and trade with Europe.

Peaceful Transfer of Power and Economic and Social Reforms Amidst Political Transformation in Senegal

Background on the Escalation of the Political Crisis in Dakar

While there are new elements in the Senegalese crisis, it is important to note that they are fully part of the country’s political history. In other words, the violence witnessed in the country has precedents, as do the anti-democratic practices attributed to President Macky Sall.

Regarding the context and acts of violence, we must first agree that political crises in Senegal are numerous and regular. They differ mainly in their symbolic significance and in the severity of their consequences. If recent periods have witnessed the loss of around sixty lives, this is not unusual, especially during election periods. A prominent example is Senghor’s first election in 1963, which led to riots resulting in the deaths of around forty people and injured nearly 250 others just in December alone. The Senegalese crisis of May 1968 disrupted the country for years. In 1988, Dakar fell into chaos, with urban violence raising questions about the election results, and a “Resistance” armed group briefly emerged. The 1993 crisis led to the political assassination of the Vice President of the Constitutional Council. The crisis of 2010-2011 regarding constitutional reform and President Abdoulaye Wade’s attempted re-election is still remembered. There are many similarities between these crises. They express mounting political pressures, sometimes exacerbated by the arbitrary practices of those in power. These practices, also employed by President Macky Sall, are not new and have roots in the actions of his predecessors.

A prime example of this is the exploitation of the judicial system under Macky Sall’s presidency, prompting the judiciary to pursue opponents to eliminate them and then grant them amnesty, which traces back to Senghor’s time (president from 1960 to 1980) and notably during Abdou Diouf’s presidency (president from 1980 to 2000). For the record, Abdou Diouf’s main political rival was Abdoulaye Wade (president from 2000 to 2012). Wade faced multiple detentions, with notable arrests occurring in 1988 and 1993. In the first instance, under President Diouf, the charges were dropped; in the second instance, they were also eventually dismissed.

Like his predecessors, Macky Sall has created and dismantled numerous institutions influenced by electoral interests. As such, he managed to abolish the position of Prime Minister in 2019, although this was not part of his electoral promises, before reinstating it in 2022. Similarly, Abdou Diouf accomplished the same between 1983 and 1991.

Furthermore, although President Macky Sall hinted at the possibility of running for a third consecutive term despite constitutional restrictions, Abdoulaye Wade took it a step further in 2012 by officially declaring his candidacy.

The postponement of presidential elections by the current president represents another chapter in the book of tactics employed by his predecessors. It is sometimes said that the attempt to delay elections until 2024 is unprecedented since the elections of 1963; however, it should be noted that those elections were the first in the country conducted by universal suffrage since independence. The country relies on the postponement of elections initiated by Senghor. Moreover, although Abdou Diouf and Abdoulaye Wade never postponed presidential elections, each of them did delay elections to avoid facing a humiliating electoral defeat. This was the case for Diouf in the municipal elections of 1995 and for Wade in the legislative elections of 2006. More broadly, disrupting elections in Senegal is a regular maneuver by the executive to destabilize the opposition.

The intention here is not to put these practices in their proper perspective but rather to emphasize the importance of distinguishing between what is novel in Senegalese political practices and what constitutes a part of the country’s long history. Senegal has always experienced recurrent political crises, as well as political protests and fatalities. Personalization of power is embedded in the DNA of the Senegalese presidency. New developments are evident elsewhere and must be recognized as they are the underlying causes of the crisis that threatens a sixty-year-old political structure that has undeniably achieved success.

Political Conflicts and Peaceful Transfer of Power

Senegal is one of the few African countries that has managed to achieve peaceful transitions of power throughout most of its political history. The presidential elections of 2024 were a new test for Senegalese democracy, held in an environment of intense competition among different political factions but concluding with the victory of “Faye” in a process considered largely transparent and fair. With the previous president acknowledging the results and relinquishing power peacefully, Senegal solidified its status as a model of political stability and democracy in Africa. This unique characteristic of the Senegalese political system is clearly manifested in every presidential transition, where electoral results are respected and coups or political violence are avoided, reinforcing public confidence in its political institutions.

Economic and Social Reforms Following the Ascension of Bassirou Diomaye Faye

After taking power, Faye adopted a comprehensive reform agenda aimed at continuing his predecessor’s efforts to improve the country’s economic and social conditions. These reforms focused on enhancing Senegal’s emerging plan launched by Macky Sall, with some modifications and expansions. Key priorities included improving infrastructure, especially in rural areas, and supporting vital sectors like agriculture and renewable energy.

The economic reforms initiated by Faye came at a time when the country needed to diversify its economic revenue sources, particularly following the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and its effects on the global economy. One cornerstone of these reforms was encouraging foreign investment and alleviating bureaucratic burdens on small and medium enterprises, resulting in gradual growth in the private sector.

Socially, Faye’s policies aimed to bridge the gap between rural and urban areas by enhancing education and healthcare programs and providing basic services in marginalized regions. These efforts targeted poverty reduction and balanced development, especially amidst rising social pressures due to high youth unemployment rates.

The political transformation under Faye’s administration was not confined to economic and social issues; it also encompassed areas such as good governance and enhancing transparency in government operations. New policies were adopted to combat corruption and promote accountability in public administration, which garnered significant praise from international organizations monitoring Senegal’s performance in this area.

Faye was also keen on building strong regional and international relationships, leveraging Senegal’s reputation as a relatively stable country in a region experiencing increasing turmoil. His government sought to play a more substantial role in resolving regional conflicts and participating in international efforts to combat terrorism and extremism.

The Position of Major Powers in Light of Rapid Dynamics in Dakar’s Political Scene

France and broader Western nations find themselves in a dilemma regarding the stance they should adopt in light of political crises in West Africa. France is constrained by Russia’s re-emergence in Africa, creating an atmosphere reminiscent of the Cold War, leaving it without a response. France faces accusations of neocolonialism from Russian propaganda, marking perhaps the first move toward disengagement to prove otherwise. However, this position is untenable for two reasons. First, this disengagement is based on a risky bet that anti-French sentiments will diminish. Furthermore, while France and the West take a negative stance, the opposing camp is not doing the same.

The failure of the Niger case is a prime illustration. As the situation deteriorated with the military coup, France, paralyzed by a fear of criticism, remained passive despite calls from the presidential camp for intervention (a term that cannot be reduced to military action). Ultimately, the international community stood by as the military institution ousted a democratically elected president, despite the latter’s appeals for assistance. The military council, effectively isolated from the West, had no choice but to turn to Russia for external support.

Moreover, the Senegalese conflict is not genuinely affected by the regional context. It is a crisis arising from elements of tension that are intrinsic to the country, while traditional sources of remedy have not been wisely invoked. Nevertheless, these national conflicts can extend to the international arena, as Niger demonstrates once again. The conflict between President Bazoum and General Tiani forms part of a long list of power struggles between unions and the army in Niger. In short, Senegalese events can be linked to the regional situation.

In this precarious situation, where the mistakes made by France are under scrutiny within and outside the continent, it is unreasonable to intervene, even slightly, in Senegal’s political conflict. This is a bygone era. France seems to be following this specialization. However, silence is not the ideal response. France will eventually need to engage in the battle of misinformation that Russia is winning in West Africa to articulate its actions and objectives clearly. To achieve this, it will be essential to have effective public communications regarding its foreign policy, which has been notably absent for some time.

In conclusion, as political transformations continue in Dakar, major powers will strive to maintain a delicate balance in their relations with Senegal, carefully monitoring developments to safeguard their strategic interests. The future of these relationships hinges on Senegal’s ability to maintain its political stability and pursue ongoing democratic reforms, which are foundational to attracting international partners.

Senegal in Regional and International Systems: A Vision and Analysis

Senegal, with its significant geographical and strategic location in West Africa, plays a pivotal role in both regional and international systems. As a member of numerous regional and international organizations, such as the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Senegal has built an extensive network of diplomatic and trade relations that have helped enhance its status on the global stage. Additionally, Senegal has a history of relative political stability, qualifying it to act as a mediator in resolving regional disputes. In this section, we will present a vision and analysis of Senegal’s role in regional and international systems, focusing on its foreign policies, relations with global powers, contributions to enhancing regional cooperation, and its role in addressing global challenges such as terrorism and climate change. We can also highlight Senegal’s stance on regional and international issues as follows:

Regional Issues Newly elected President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has been diplomatically active in West Africa through two rounds of visits to regional countries. Faye’s initial visits to Mauritania, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, and Cape Verde aimed to enhance cooperation with neighboring nations. His visits to Côte d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Ghana, Mali, and Burkina Faso seemingly aimed at promoting reconciliation between ECOWAS and the three members that formed the Sahel Alliance (AES).

Dakar’s diplomacy advocates a sovereign ideology; within this context, and due to Senegal’s positive standing with West African leaders, the new Senegalese authorities find themselves in a favorable position to assist ongoing mediation efforts aimed at ensuring that Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger remain within ECOWAS. Contrary to other regional leaders, Senegal’s new authorities maintain good relations with West African countries. Additionally, Senegalese leaders share views with West African leaders regarding respect for the sovereignty of West African nations. The quality of the elections that brought the Senegalese president to power also lends credibility, and Faye’s visits to Bamako and Ouagadougou on May 30 laid the groundwork for his mediation efforts with the countries of the East African group. He clarified his stance on strengthening ECOWAS and discussed challenges with his hosts.

International Issues Since the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Senegal seems to have taken a neutral stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict, having chosen to abstain from voting in two consecutive UN votes following the invasion. The first was the UN General Assembly resolution passed on March 2, 2022, demanding that Moscow withdraw its military forces from Ukrainian territory immediately. Senegal abstained from voting on that resolution, with Senegalese President Macky Sall keen to remind Russian President Vladimir Putin of this during his recent visit to Russia. On March 9, 2022, Macky Sall, as chair of the African Union, held a phone conversation with the Russian leader, advocating for a permanent ceasefire and also praising Putin’s willingness to listen and keep communication lines open for a negotiated resolution to the conflict. This neutral stance was maintained for several reasons, notably that Africa is one of the largest consumers of grain sourced from Russia and Ukraine. In this regard, the Russian ambassador in Dakar noted that Russia supplies Senegal with about 40% of its wheat needs. Clearly, food prices are bound to rise under the current circumstances, particularly for wheat-based products. Experts from the World Bank have indicated that “local prices for rice, wheat, oil, sugar, and other manufactured imports have already risen by between 20 to 50% in various countries within [West Africa].” The African population has particularly suffered from increased prices, especially as the continent has limited freedom to mitigate such impacts.

Additionally, Senegal’s position regarding crimes committed by the Zionist occupation against Palestinians can be highlighted. Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko urged, during a new demonstration in Dakar supporting Palestinians, Islamic nations to boycott the Israeli regime and intensify efforts to isolate the Zionist state. This marked the first time since October 7, 2023, the date representing the resumption of the Israeli war on Gaza, that a senior Senegalese official participated in a pro-Palestinian demonstration in the capital. In his speech during the rally, the Senegalese Prime Minister described his Israeli counterpart as someone who would rather crush thousands of bodies underfoot than face justice.

Sonko called for greater solidarity among Islamic nations to support Palestine, stating, “We must gather all those denouncing this injustice to work towards a political solution aimed at isolating the State of Israel.”

Furthermore, the Prime Minister emphasized, “This is about halting the humanitarian atrocities that some Western countries have sanctioned and supported,” adding that “condemnation alone is not sufficient; Senegal is ready to take more concrete actions. Moreover, he urged the Senegalese people and the world to join the campaign, proclaiming, “Economic, political, and diplomatic sanctions must be imposed against Israel. Calls for restraint are no longer enough; we must make greater efforts to support our Palestinian brothers.”

We can say that Senegal is one of the few countries on the African continent with a long record of democracy and political stability. Since its independence, it has managed several peaceful transitions of power, making it a model in the region. This unique democratic experience has established Senegal as a key player in supporting regional stability, consistently mediating conflicts and resolving disputes within West African countries, and playing an active role in ECOWAS. While supporting global principles such as stability and peace, some of its international decisions are directly based on its internal interests, reflecting its independence in decision-making and its ongoing pursuit of national interests alongside its international responsibilities.

In conclusion, Senegal’s success story stands out in a continent that has witnessed numerous political and social upheavals. Despite facing past challenges, including political strife and security crises, the country has managed to maintain a steady democratic path, rooted in established political traditions and a clear vision for the future. The political and social transformations experienced by Senegal, particularly in recent decades, reflect a strong desire for change and progress. As it continues to confront economic and security challenges, its commitment to reform and democracy enhances its prospects for a prosperous and stable future. Achieving comprehensive development will depend on the Senegalese leadership’s ability to continue this progressive path while seizing available opportunities on the regional and international stage.

References

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Mohamed SAKHRI

I’m Mohamed Sakhri, the founder of World Policy Hub. I hold a Bachelor’s degree in Political Science and International Relations and a Master’s in International Security Studies. My academic journey has given me a strong foundation in political theory, global affairs, and strategic studies, allowing me to analyze the complex challenges that confront nations and political institutions today.

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