The Erosion of Washington’s Influence in Latin America

The erosion of U.S. influence and power appears not to be limited to Africa and the Middle East, many regions in Asia, or even Europe; it has extended to the area that Washington has always considered its “backyard,” namely South America. The only result of the group photo featuring the leaders of the Asia-Pacific Economic Forum (APEC) in Lima, Peru’s capital, is that American presence and momentum are no longer felt among the peoples and leaders of Latin America as envisioned by President James Monroe, the fifth U.S. president, in his famous Monroe Doctrine on December 2, 1823, which sought to maintain a “special relationship” and “exclusive dominance” for Washington over the decisions of all Latin American and South American countries, distancing them from European powers of that time. In the APEC group photo, President Joe Biden stood in the “last row”; not only that, but he was placed on one side of the “last row,” rather than in the middle or at the heart of the commemorative group image, while there was a special welcome from Peruvian President Dina Boluarte for Chinese President Xi Jinping and other world leaders at the summit gathering countries on both sides of the Pacific Ocean, which included leaders from 21 countries representing about 60% of the global gross output.

This marginalization of the American president’s place and stature in the concluding group image of the APEC forum revealed the depth of the gap between the United States on one hand and its South American neighbors on the other. The peoples of South America demonstrate through these positions their rejection of American behaviors based on political and military interventions in South American countries and the many sanctions imposed on the continent’s nations, like the long-standing U.S. blockade against Cuba, the unbearable pressures on Venezuela, and the efforts to question the legitimacy of certain ruling regimes in the region that Washington should ideally maintain the best relations with, based on mutual respect and common interests.

On the other side of the image, we see a celebration of China and complete respect toward Russia in the southern part of the Western Hemisphere. While President Joe Biden presents himself as a “moral preacher,” he simultaneously supports rebellions and military coups. In contrast, Russia and China are actively working to help South American peoples overcome poverty and hunger, according to the remarks by the President of Chile. As Biden finds himself engrossed in explaining Washington’s “supremacy” in teaching others human rights and the alliance of Western and American-style values and democracy, we see the Chinese president inaugurating with his counterpart Dina Boluarte the largest port in South America, the giant Chancay Port in northern Lima. This is the first port in the region fully funded by China, consisting of about 15 docks capable of accommodating all giant vessels carrying thousands of containers, which contributes to enhancing trade and shortening the distance between South American nations and Asian countries, especially China. Thus, this mega-port—built at a cost of approximately $3.5 billion—will facilitate the movement of goods worth billions of dollars from South America to the rest of the world. This scenario indicates that we are faced with two entirely different approaches: an American approach rejected by South American countries and a new approach led by China and Russia. What factors have contributed to the “erosion” of American influence in South America and its decline? Conversely, why do Russia and China enjoy “great acceptability” among the governments of the United States’ “backyard” and their peoples?

Other Indicators

A detailed examination of the political, economic, and military interactions occurring in South America clearly reveals that the continent is turning away from the occupants of the White House, whether Democrats or Republicans. It has found allies and friends in new and active gatherings, organizations, and markets on both regional and international levels, such as BRICS and APEC, which numerous indicators illustrate, including:

First – A Fair Economic Partnership

Most countries in South America reject American economic dominance, which has persisted for centuries. These nations are now seeking a “fair partnership” without political conditions or external impositions. As such, they are striving to diversify their economic relationships with geopolitical and geo-economic powers outside the Western Hemisphere, particularly with China, Russia, and India. Trade statistics among South American nations reveal a decline in trade volume with the United States in favor of China, which has outperformed the U.S. commercially and investment-wise, becoming South America’s primary trading partner. The Chinese foreign ministry estimates that trade volume between the two parties is expected to reach around

Trade between China and South America is expected to reach $500 billion by the end of 2024, including approximately $150 billion in trade between China and Brazil. Predictions suggest that trade between China and South American countries could grow to around $700 billion by 2035. Furthermore, China—not the United States—is the primary investor in South America, focusing on sectors such as industry, mining, and infrastructure. Chinese investments in the region amounted to about $400 billion in 2021 and are projected to rise significantly, potentially reaching $700 billion by 2035.

A significant number of South American countries are involved in China’s strategic “Belt and Road Initiative.” Additionally, China has demonstrated a clear vision by actively pursuing free trade agreements with nations across the continent. In contrast, the U.S. has relied on imposing economic sanctions, tariffs, and other trade barriers as part of its policy approach.

Second – Geopolitical Shift

Those familiar with South American peoples know that they cannot accept subordination or external interventions; hence, these countries refused to be dragged into antagonizing Russia following the start of the Russo-Ukrainian war and made an independent decision to maintain their relationships with Russia, avoiding alignment with American and Western sanctions against Moscow. Brazil’s joining of the BRICS bloc, led by Russia and China, serves as a prime example of Latin America’s independence from American dependency, especially in countries like Cuba and Venezuela. This independence has yielded positive “geopolitical” results for both China and Russia, particularly as South American countries supported them in regional and international forums, notably in the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council.

Third – Confidence in Russian and Chinese Military Cooperation

The United States still maintains a military presence in South America through its military bases in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and Soto Cano in Honduras. Washington can project military influence into nine South American countries through limited operational presence in some military airbases, security sites, radar locations, and military offices.

Nevertheless, Russia and China have successfully established a model of security and military cooperation that serves as an alternative to the American approach based on “intervening in the internal affairs” of Latin American countries. The military presence of Russia and China takes a “soft approach” by increasing arms and ammunition sales to those countries, especially armored vehicles, aircraft, and heavy weapons. They have enhanced their military presence through regular training and educational missions to Russian and Chinese military academies, successfully fostering a shared military culture with South American military elites. For instance, military sales from Russia and China to Venezuela constitute a significant portion of the country’s armament system. Moreover, the Russian and Chinese vision, which emphasizes respect for international law and the sovereignty of nations while avoiding interference in others’ internal affairs, is gaining support among the military institutions in South America.

Fourth – Rejection of “Weaponized Dollar”

American sanction policies against many South American countries have led to a popular rejection of Washington’s “weaponized dollar” strategy aimed at numerous regional nations. Accordingly, South American countries tend to engage in international trade using “national currencies,” which undermines the dollar’s dominance in international commercial transactions. The instance of conducting trade in national currencies between Brazil and both Russia and China within BRICS is clear evidence of Latin American nations’ eagerness to rid themselves of the dollar’s supremacy and its militarization.

Fifth – A Multipolar World

South American countries are among the regions that have borne the brunt of “unipolar” control over international system dynamics since the dissolution of the former Soviet Union on December 25, 1991. Consequently, many South American nations have expressed strong support for justice in international relations through the establishment of a “multipolar world” that ensures no Western or American interference in the internal affairs of South American countries, which have paid a high price due to this unipolarity. Many of these nations still grapple with political and military interventions from the White House, which has resulted in numerous territorial disputes and internal coups that hindered development and prosperity in South America.

It is evident that Washington is now paying the price for its actions across various regions of the world, and the disdain shown toward President Joe Biden at the APEC summit serves as a prime example of the “significant shift” in the attitudes of countries worldwide, including those in South America, which suggest that these nations are beginning to punish Washington for its actions.

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SAKHRI Mohamed
SAKHRI Mohamed

I hold a Bachelor's degree in Political Science and International Relations in addition to a Master's degree in International Security Studies. Alongside this, I have a passion for web development. During my studies, I acquired a strong understanding of fundamental political concepts and theories in international relations, security studies, and strategic studies.

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