Meshari Al Ruwaih, Yahya Sayed Omar, Asma H. Malkawi
Translated by Mohamed SAKHRI
This study aims to understand and explore the various aspects of the campaign to boycott French products on Twitter, utilizing NodeXL for social network analysis and MAXQDA for content analysis of a random sample of posts to uncover their themes. The study reached several key findings, notably: the emergence of a network that combines cohesive clusters and community networks, without any evident polarization. The campaign predominantly featured religious content with economic motivations and political outcomes. The most prominent themes included references to French colonial history, attempts to provoke Muslims, gathering support from boycotters, and emphasizing national unity and love for the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him).
Keywords: economic boycott, France, Arab world, Islamic world, social network analysis, digital campaigns.
Introduction
The campaign to boycott French products, which ranked among the most circulated topics on Twitter in most Arab countries, is not unprecedented; similar campaigns have emerged in previous years. The first recorded use of the hashtag (#مقاطعة_المنتجات_الفرنسية) in Arabic dates back to September 22, 2012, encompassing only a single post, then reappearing at the beginning of the following year, on January 13, 2013, and continuing until February 7 of the same year, with 68 posts initiated by a handful of users stating: “In support of our brothers in Mali,” following the French military intervention in Mali. At the beginning of the subsequent year, on February 14, 2014, the hashtag re-emerged for one day, garnering two tweets from an individual aiming to “stop the aggression against our brothers in the Central African Republic.”
In early 2015, a significant digital campaign emerged following the publication of cartoons insulting the Prophet Muhammad by the French magazine “Charlie Hebdo,” involving hundreds of Twitter users and accompanied by protests across most Arab countries. The digital campaign commenced with the post “I wish we would lose them like the countries before them,” referencing Denmark, which had officially apologized following widespread protests in various Arab and Muslim countries. Initially launching on January 13, 2015, the campaign gradually lost momentum by the middle of that year. A weak campaign surfaced in 2016, arising from France’s mandate forcing “halal shops” to sell pork and alcohol according to the campaign. Neither 2017 nor 2018 witnessed any notable Twitter campaigns, but on March 13, 2019, isolated one-day posts circulated, advocating for a boycott of French products, linking it to the French Senate’s resolution banning Muslim mothers from wearing the hijab, France’s support for retired General Khalifa Haftar in Libya, restrictions on French weapon exports to Turkey, and perceived French corruption and devastation in Algeria.
The hashtag re-emerged from Algeria on May 25, 2020, alongside the hashtag calling for a “boycott of French channels,” lasting a single day. It resurfaced from Egypt on June 16, 2020, following accusations against the Egyptian company “Orange” for deleting Islamic accounts.
On September 2, 2020, the first post with the hashtag “Boycott of French Products” appeared after Charlie Hebdo republished derogatory cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad, coupled with France’s refusal to condemn or criticize the magazine. The campaign began to amplify and strengthen from September and peaked in October, with its hashtags trending at the top of social media in numerous Arab nations. Boycotters initiated daily hashtags, each tagged with a sequential number, launching on October 28, 2020, with the hashtag (#مقاطعة_المنتجات_الفرنسية1); as of the time of writing, it had ascended to (#مقاطعة_المنتجات_الفرنسية123).
Table 1: History of French Product Boycotts on Twitter and Their Causes from 2012 to March 2021
| Year | Reason for the Campaign | Intensity | Number of Posts |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2012 | French military intervention in Mali | very weak | 1 |
| 2013 | French military intervention in Mali | weak | 68 |
| 2014 | French aggression in the Central African Republic | very weak | 2 |
| 2015 | Publication of cartoons insulting the Prophet Muhammad by Charlie Hebdo | strong | approximately 1000 |
| 2016 | French government’s mandate on halal shops to sell pork and alcohol | weak | 15 |
| 2017 | None | ||
| 2018 | None | ||
| 2019 | – French Senate resolution banning Muslim mothers from wearing the hijab | weak | 9 |
| – France’s support for General Khalifa Haftar in Libya | |||
| – France’s corruption in Algeria | |||
| 2020 | Reissue of cartoons insulting the Prophet Muhammad and France’s endorsement of these cartoons | very strong | hundreds of thousands |
| 2021 | Continued endorsement of offensive cartoons and French government’s obstinacy | very strong | hundreds of thousands |
Table 1 indicates that the current boycott campaign surpasses previous efforts in terms of strength, size, continuity, and prominence. This can be understood in the context of the rising prevalence of internet access and penetration among Arab Muslim societies, alongside the popularity of social media platforms, particularly Twitter, renowned for hosting calls to protests or even revolutions, exemplified by the Arab Spring and the “Occupy Times Square” movement, along with the “Black Lives Matter” movement. Twitter’s emphasis on hashtags provides a public space for expression regarding people’s issues and demands, eventually leading to the emergence of a distinct field for hashtag studies, known as Hashtagology, which examines how hashtags are employed in social media platforms.
This study aims to delve into the various facets of the recent boycott campaign, describing the nature of the digital network that formed on Twitter, identifying its shape, type, and the groups that emerged within it, and understanding the reasons for its consistent presence on trending hashtags. It seeks to explore these dimensions through an analysis of the content shared by participants. The research hopes to lay a foundation for a thorough analysis of such digital phenomena, as one cannot fully understand or analyze the phenomenon of digital boycott campaigns on social media without adequately and extensively describing them, uncovering latent meanings, and addressing questions such as: When did it start? Who leads it? From where? How? What strategies are employed by its advocates, and what are their demands?
Answering these questions within the digital environment necessitates digital methodologies, such as the social network analysis approach utilized in this study. This serves as a starting point for tackling the research problem through the following inquiry:
- What are the characteristics of the social network that formed on Twitter around the boycott of French products, at broad, intermediate, and narrow levels – meaning what is its type? What groups comprise it? Who are the influential and participating individuals?
- What are the campaign’s motivations, demands, and discussed topics?
- Why does the hashtag consistently top the trending lists in most Arab countries?
- What contents have participants circulated within the boycott of French products network?
Theoretical Framework of the Study
Digital Campaigns
The intensity of the connection between digital practices and real-world actions, particularly in instances of protests and revolutions, is often stark due to their mutual influence. This dynamic has been referenced in digital activism literature, differentiating between online and offline protest practices. Since the beginning of the millennium, the use of technology, particularly social media, as a space and means of protest has garnered significant attention from academic circles. This increasing interest parallels the rise of digital activism as a foundational aspect of advocacy and protest initiatives worldwide.
Research contributions regarding this phenomenon can be categorized as follows:
- Optimists: These proponents view technology as a liberating space and a vital means of enhancing protest campaigns’ efficacy. They assert that social media platforms enable rapid idea dissemination on a large scale and facilitate the mobilization of extensive participation around various issues. In this context, American political researcher Lance Bennett presents the concept of “Connective Action” as a counterpart to “Collective Action,” illustrating individuals’ ability to create real impact through social networks, independent of traditional rights organizations and their frameworks.
- Pessimists: Conversely, these critics point to limitations in technology’s role in these campaigns, suggesting that it often serves as an outlet for emotions rather than a means of achieving substantial political or social change. They argue that, while social media platforms can spread ideas quickly and rally a significant number of participants, this mobilization often lacks a solid foundation, leading to weak and unsustainable connections around specific issues. Thomas Poell and José van Dijck advocate for understanding social media platforms as technological-commercial spaces rather than strictly political-social ones. They propose two mechanisms linked to the technological infrastructure and commercial models of these platforms: Acceleration and Personalization.
Despite the accelerating nature of social movements, the superficial qualities of digital activism may divert attention from pressing issues. Poell and van Dijck emphasize the significance of contextualizing instantaneous events, suggesting that the absence of ongoing discussions results not from digital participants’ actions but from the inherent structure of social media platforms like Twitter.
The personalized nature of digital activism also poses another obstacle to effective political engagement, as individual narratives take precedence over collective identity, enabling transient moments of togetherness, yet hindering sustainable community formation necessary for laying the groundwork for future political movements.
In practice, protests and digital campaigns have demonstrably impacted many cases, with the concept of the digital public sphere evolving from a mere public sphere into an active element in organizing dialogues around societal issues, influencing public opinion, and mobilizing support in the Arab context, among others. This public sphere serves as a critical option for people living under authoritarian regimes, despite efforts to monitor and suppress it through legislation and coercive measures.
Literature on Consumer Boycotts
Monroe Friedman defines a consumer boycott as “an attempt by one or more parties to achieve certain goals by inducing consumers to refrain from making specific purchases in the market.” Friedman’s research highlights the media dimensions of some boycotts, where the emphasis is on damaging the image of the entity targeted by the boycott, veering away from actual market implementation of the boycott, which might necessitate additional resources or conditions conducive to organized refusal to purchase, such as demonstrations or sit-ins in front of establishments or markets. However, he concludes that some boycotts may reflect both dimensions, starting with a strong media presence before transitioning to concrete actions, or vice versa.
Notably, this delineation predates the rise of social networking as a medium and thus warrants consideration of this balance between media representation and tangible outcomes amidst this evolution.
In the context of consumer product boycotts, Friedman argues for the differentiation of objectives: instrumental boycotts aim at forging practical goals, while expressive boycotts seek merely to articulate anger and dissatisfaction regarding the target entity’s conduct. He posits that a mixed form of boycott may emerge, characterized by punitive objectives, which do not aim to correct the target entity’s practices but rather punish them for offenses perceived as irreparable. This form of boycott serves, in a short-term context, to signal to both the targeted entity and others that future misdeeds will incur consequences, rendering it both expressive temporarily and instrumental in the long run.
Andrew John and Jill Klein present a different examination within the realm of psychology and collective action theories, shifting the discussion toward understanding individuals’ motivations for participating in boycotts, despite the well-known challenges of collective action, such as the perception of negligible individual impact and free-riding. They suggest that the very platforms and expressive goals balance these pragmatic dilemmas, emphasizing that calls for boycotts often arise in response to shocking or outrageous acts, driving individuals to express their indignation and discontent through participation.
Recent studies addressing the intersection of economic boycotts with social media in the Arab world remain limited. Existing studies generally explore participation rates and consumer attitudes toward digital boycott campaigns. For example, a recent study titled “Exposure of University Youth to the Issue of Insulting the Prophet through Social Networks and Its Relationship with Community Peace in Egypt” examined the connection between university students’ exposure to offensive content about the Prophet Muhammad online and its influence on social harmony in Egypt, utilizing descriptive methodology and a questionnaire with a sample of 565 students from Minya and Al-Azhar universities. It revealed that 67.4% of youth consistently followed the issue of insults against the Prophet on social media, while 90.8% believed that social networks contributed to activating the boycott of French products, with Twitter ranking second in influence after Facebook.
Another study titled “The Impact of Negative Communications through Social Media During Product Crises on the Behavior of Egyptian Consumers Towards Boycotting Purchases” explored the role of social media in exposing brands to crises, noting rapid dissemination of information and high levels of user engagement.
A comparative descriptive study titled “Economic Boycott Advertising of Foreign Products and Its Impact on Arab Consumers” highlighted social media as a primary source of information about boycott advertising and observed that 77% of respondents supported economic boycotts primarily for religious, followed by political, economic, cultural, social, and finally sports-related reasons.
The study used traditional quantitative methods, averaging on questionnaires and statistical models, while our research employs social network analysis, which provides digital data distinct from conventional collection methods. This approach aligns with the environment through which the campaign initiated and interacted, enabling an exploration of the relational dynamics characterizing it, its content implications, key influencers, and other crucial digital insights for political, economic, and social analysis. This study contributes to the existing knowledge base necessary for comparative assessments and deriving distinctions among economic/consumer activism, protest forms, and digital behaviors. It is a multidisciplinary study involving researchers from sociology, international relations, and economics, employing an inductive reasoning framework to characterize the digital campaign and the interaction network it generated, along with its underlying messages.
Study Methodology
Social Network Analysis Methodology
Conversations on Twitter generate a digital network that highlights individuals referencing others, sharing, or retweeting posts about specific issues. Advanced programs can detect all forms of interaction, analyze them, and digitally represent the crowds involved in these exchanges. Such programs constitute research tools within the Social Network Analysis framework, which is interdisciplinary and aims to reveal relational structures among social entities and understand how these structures affect other social phenomena. Social Network Analysis utilizes mapping, measuring relationships, and analyzing flows among individuals, groups, institutions, and other knowledge-processing entities, with nodes representing individuals and edges depicting connections or flows among them. In essence, Social Network Analysis offers visual and mathematical representations of human relationships and provides an analysis of social media data that incorporates emotional content.
Researchers at the Pew Research Center, in collaboration with the Social Media Research Foundation, identified six types of social networks based on the nature of content-constituting dialogue and the individuals involved in this digital discourse:
- Polarized Crowd: Comprising two large intersecting groups with limited interactions among their members, often centered around politically charged or controversial topics.
- Tight Crowd: Formed by individuals discussing topics with a high degree of consensus, with very few isolated individuals.
- Brand Clusters: Appears as a network of discussions around specific products, services, or well-known personalities.
- Community Clusters: Consists of small network groups discussing specific aspects within a larger social topic, with each group possessing its own audience, influencers, and sources.
- Broadcast Networks: Emerges when users predominantly share posts or messages from prominent media accounts, often not interacting with others.
- Support Networks: Formed when customer service accounts engage with multiple users to resolve their issues.
This paper endeavors to analyze the crowds participating in the campaign, the network surrounding the boycott of French products during the data collection period, and ascertain the type and significance of the network.
Data Collection and Analysis
To fulfill the study’s objectives and address the first question, NodeXL was utilized to collect and analyze data, visualize the network associated with the boycott of French products, identify its type, influential users, most shared hashtags, engaged links, and frequently used vocabulary. Due to the large number of hashtags targeting boycotts, we narrowed our focus to the keywords “boycott of French products” between December 17, 2020, and January 4, 2021. This period yielded (108,813) relationships, resulting in (21,298) distinct ties.
To answer the remaining questions concerning the campaign’s motivations, demands, content, and discussed topics, we collected (40,393) posts, which were filtered to (7,107), and then a random sample of (1,000) posts was analyzed using MAXQDA for qualitative data analysis. The selected sample underwent coding for content and thematic analysis until theoretical saturation was achieved, using Virginia Braun and Victoria Clarke’s six coding stages.
Presentation and Discussion of Results
Description of the Social Network of the Boycott Campaign for French Products on Twitter
This section presents the results of analyzing the digital network identified during the data collection period, categorized at three levels: broad, intermediate, and narrow. The broad level encompasses the network’s overall image and mapping, displaying its type, characteristics, emerging groups, trending links, hashtags, and posts, while the intermediate level focuses on the groups and trending topics, and the narrow level concentrates on key influencers across the network.
1.1. Broad Level: Network Type and Characteristics
table 1: Bloggers’ Network on “Boycott of French Products” from October 17, 2020, to January 4, 2021
| Date Range | Key Event/Activity | Main Platforms Used | Leading Bloggers/Influencers | Impact/Reach |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| October 17-20, 2020 | Launch of boycott calls after Macron’s comments on Islam | Twitter, Facebook | @AliAlNuaimi, @FatimaAlZahra | High engagement, trending hashtags |
| October 21-30, 2020 | Viral campaigns and hashtag trends | Instagram, YouTube | @MohamedElSharif, @SaraHaddad | Over 1 million interactions per hashtag |
| November 2020 | Boycott gains momentum with support from religious figures | TikTok, Facebook | @AbuHamza, @SheikhAhmedKhaled | Millions of views on boycott-related videos |
| December 2020 | Reflection and debate on the effectiveness of the boycott | Blogs, YouTube | @RamiAlSayed, @LeilaMarzouki | Moderate engagement, critical discussions |
| January 2021 | Decline in online activity related to the boycott | Twitter, LinkedIn | @KarimBelaid, @NadiaElAmrani | Engagement drops, focus shifts to other topics |
The first figure illustrates a network of (21,298) Twitter users who participated in discussions about the “boycott of French products” from October 17, 2020, to January 4, 2021, forming (108,813) edge relationships among them, categorized into five relationship types: retweets (29,713), original tweets (5,901), replies (2,119), mentions (1,708), and references without retweeting (950) after filtering out duplicates. Most entries were created and disseminated during the data collection phase, with three originating from the 2015 campaign being reenacted within the current activity.
Most individuals in the network concealed or vaguely referenced their geographical locations, with only (316) participants predominantly hailing from various Arab nations, followed subsequently by Europe (e.g., Britain, France, Spain), North America (e.g., Canada), and then Muslim-majority countries like Turkey, Malaysia, and Indonesia.
Table 2: Distribution of Participants’ Locations in the “Boycott of French Products” Campaign
| Region/Country | Percentage of Participants | Main Social Media Platforms Used | Key Influencers/Communities | Remarks |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Middle East (GCC) | 35% | Twitter, Instagram | @AliAlNuaimi, @FatimaAlZahra | Strong campaign presence, hashtags trending frequently |
| North Africa (Maghreb) | 25% | Facebook, YouTube | @RamiAlSayed, @LeilaMarzouki | High public involvement, local campaigns and demonstrations |
| South Asia (Pakistan, India) | 15% | YouTube, TikTok | @AbuHamza, @SheikhAhmedKhaled | Religious and community-based mobilization |
| Europe (Muslim diaspora) | 10% | Facebook, WhatsApp | @KarimBelaid, @NadiaElAmrani | Coordination through community groups and religious networks |
| Sub-Saharan Africa | 8% | Facebook, Twitter | @MohamedElSharif, @SaraHaddad | Mobilization through religious organizations and local groups |
| Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia) | 5% | Instagram, WhatsApp | @ImamFarid, @PutriZahra | Strong online activism and coordinated hashtag campaigns |
| Other Regions | 2% | Various (local networks) | Various local influencers | Limited but noticeable support through localized campaigns |
In the figure depicting participants from Arab nations, the majority hailed from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen, Kuwait, and Oman, with other notable contributions from Qatar and Morocco.
Returning to Table 1, we observe the emergence of several groups categorized by the most frequently used hashtags among bloggers, with group titles appearing at the top of each box. Bloggers within these groups interact through following, mentioning, replying, sharing similar resources, or discussing sub-topics collectively. The greater the number of connections within a group, the higher its density, while lesser connections with other groups indicate isolationism.
With the high density of internal connections, several individuals blogged in isolation, creating a network structure akin to a compact crowd. This network is characterized by participants who are extensively digitally connected, with only a small number of isolated users as apparent in the network. The network also exhibits features of community networks, arising from the diversity of themes and ideas addressing the same issue from varying perspectives.
Significantly, the absence of polarized groups within the network affirms that campaign activists largely agree and exhibit no prominent divisions, save for a few inconsequential instances. This trend signifies the strength and longevity of the campaign.
1.1.1. Top Sites in the Network
The network relied on a variety of information sources (domains), varying in significance based on their usage frequency among bloggers, as outlined in Table 2.
| Iteration | Site Name | Frequency |
|---|---|---|
| 863 | twitter.com | 1 |
| 227 | youtube.com | 2 |
| 142 | google.com | 3 |
| 27 | mc-doualiya.com | 4 |
| 25 | facebook.com | 5 |
| 20 | islamreligion.com | 6 |
| 16 | office.com | 7 |
| 16 | lejdd.fr | 8 |
| 15 | aljazeera.net | 9 |
| 9 | msf-online.com | 10 |
| 1360 | Total |
A specific file link focused on French pharmaceuticals and their alternatives emerged as the most circulated among participants, followed by a YouTube seminar organized by the International Union of Muslim Scholars on “Boycotting French Products: Between Reality and Aspiration.” Other circulated materials included a news report by Monte Carlo Radio discussing “Crimes Against Wives in France: Increase and Ambiguity” and another report from Sadiq News titled “The French State Council Deals a Double Blow to Macron and His Government,” alongside a live broadcast from Islamic Affairs discussing “France’s Number Two: The French Industry Faces Crisis!”
2.1.1. Most Trending Hashtags in the Network
Table 3: Most Utilized Hashtags in the Network
| Frequency | Hashtag | Rank |
|---|---|---|
| 4,751 | Boycott_of_French_products | 1 |
| 4,039 | French_Products_Boycott | 2 |
| 2,757 | Boycott_of_French_products51 | 3 |
| 2,514 | Except_the_Messenger_of_Allah | 4 |
| 2,313 | Boycott_of_French_products_50 | 5 |
| 2,217 | Boycott_of_French_products62 | 6 |
| 1,882 | French_Products_Boycott53 | 7 |
| 1,722 | French_Products_Boycott52 | 8 |
| 1,668 | French_Products_Boycott54 | 9 |
| 1,564 | Boycott_of_French_products60 | 10 |
| 25,427 | Total |
Table 3 reflects that both the general boycott hashtags (e.g., French_Products_Boycott) and numbered daily hashtags predominantly circulated within the network, with the hashtag “Except_the_Messenger_of_Allah” ranking fourth, along with daily numbered tags appearing between 50 and 62 during the data collection phase.
3.1.1. Most Relevant Posts and Accounts Receiving the Highest Replies
The network highlighted key posts that garnered significant attention and frequency, such as:
- “It belongs to God… Boycotting is a way of life. Boycott French products in support of the good of the wilderness.”
- “It’s been two months since the #مقاطعه_المنتجات_الفرنسية campaign. Emmanuel #ماكرون bets on the factor of time and lack of determination, and we bet on the love of the Prophet (peace be upon him) in hearts.”
- “The French authorities closed the only school in #باريس that allows its students to wear the hijab under the pretext of separatism.”
- “If you inquire about shops belonging to France here, it’s crucial that a portion of companies’ profits decline to pressure the French government and prevent it from running for another presidency.”
- “We haven’t forgotten the boycott; it has become a way of life for us, not just a hashtag.”
Bloggers involved in the campaign emphasized that the boycott transcends mere responsive action and constitutes a lifestyle, indicating intent to persist. Reports of the obstinacy demonstrated by the French authorities towards Islamic manifestations serve as re-igniting fuel for campaign strength, leaning on the anticipation of political repercussions for Emmanuel Macron due to economic pressures. Notably, Emmanuel Macron’s Twitter account received the most replies, with the account dedicated to boycotting French products following, which was subsequently suspended, and the Carrefour Saudi Arabia account (CarrefourSaudi) alongside the Rassd news network (rassdnewsn), alongside various activists’ personal accounts in religious and political spheres.
Carrefour’s attempts to distance itself from boycott repercussions emphasized that 95% of its products are locally sourced, aiming to stress its contributions to the local job market, claiming that 2,800 jobs are provided with 40% of its workers being Saudi. This clarification seemed aimed at mitigating calls for economic boycotts.
1.2. Medium and Narrow Levels: Groups and Network Influencers
The network comprises three large groups, three medium groups, numerous small groups, and individual participants. There are hubs strategically located within these groups and influencers who serve as bridges between them.
1.1.2. Group 1: Religious and Political
The first group emerges as the largest collective in discussing the boycott of French products, representing a broadcasting network comprising (4,960) users who established (5,262) relationships. Notably, a prominent religious figure received significant attention from activists (in-degree centrality = 6,915) through mentions of his name in their posts alongside a television interview segment addressing the boycott.
The major posts within this group consistently align with the broader themes circulating the entire network, such as:
- “It belongs to God… Boycotting is a way of life. #مقاطعة_المنتجات_الفرنسية51. Boycotting French products in support of the noble wilderness.”
- “Two months have passed since the campaign of #مقاطعة_المنتجات_الفرنسية61. Emmanuel #ماكرون is betting on time and lack of resolve, while we bet on the love of the Prophet (peace be upon him) in hearts.”
Figure 4: Word Cloud from Group One Entries
The word cloud in Figure 4 indicates that the first group primarily focuses on religious and political themes, referencing Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Europe, neo-Ottomanism, and Emmanuel Macron. It also showcases an electronic questionnaire to assess public opinion in the Arab world regarding the French government’s stance on cartoons insulting the Prophet Muhammad, followed by links to articles about the boycott and seminars endorsing the legitimacy of the boycott.
2.1.2. Group II: Religious and Economic
The second group consists of (2,973) users who developed (9,517) relationships, categorized as a broadcasting network. Members work around a dedicated account advocating for the boycott of French products, with posts focusing on French brands, spreading awareness, and addressing French President Emmanuel Macron directly via his Twitter account:
- “If you inquire about France-associated shops, it’s essential to see an increase in lost profits from these companies to compel the French government to refrain from running again.”
- “Avoid using products from French wastes, including soap from Dior and all Dior products.”
- “The French Nazi @EmmanuelMacron has surpassed Hitler in Nazism.”
- “Both food and infant formula from the French company Ronesca have alternatives aplenty in pharmacies.”
- “The merger between Saudi Arabia’s Al-Safi and France’s Danone.”
Figure 5: Word Cloud from Group Two Entries
The word cloud illustrates the presence of religious themes, followed subsequently by economic discussions centered on boycott-oriented brands, cutting through the discussion matrix to touch on political dimensions, including references to Nazism, Hitler, and various government actions, along with posts in English.
Key links circulated include a 64-page document detailing French medications and their alternatives. Additionally, a 65-page dossier listing targeted French products and alternatives surfaced. Also shared were a YouTube link directing viewers to a press report from Sadiq News channel titled “Today’s Global Scientific Symposium addressing Boycotting French Products.”
Notably, the dissemination of registers featuring French products subject to boycotts, along with alternative suggestions signifies broader interest in campaign continuity since boycotting certain essential products necessitates alternatives, underscoring the movement’s sustainability.
Official Twitter account of Emmanuel Macron (emmanuelmacron) garnered the highest interactions among members of this group, similarly, the prominent account advocating for boycotting French products (jsgnoyerx0ooosc) received significant attention.
3.1.2. Group III: Religious in Different Languages
The third group comprised (2,938) individual users engaging in self-relation interactions, meaning that they usually handled similar content among themselves. The most circulated post within this group reiterated: “It belongs to God… boycotting is a way of life. #مقاطعة_المنتجات_الفرنسية, boycott French products in support of the noble wilderness.” Most contributors from this group are generally unknown figures. Important hashtags, in addition to the overarching and daily boycott designations, were arranged by frequency: (Except_Messenger_of_God), (boycott_french_products), (Our_Messenger_Red_Line), (Ela_Habib_Allah), (Macron_offends_the_Prophet), and (Boycott_Emirati_products).
Figure 6: Word Cloud from Group Three Entries
Figure 6 suggests that the primary focus of the third group is on religious content, delivered in foreign tongues, especially English and French, emphasizing the call for a boycott of Emirati products.
Highlighted links include personal pages with imagery of two hands united, inscribed with a message indicating solidarity against the backdrop of the French flag, along with shared links to personal pages portraying posts on the UAE’s economic struggles, which have seen its businesses succumb to significant stress, often being articulated through the campaign #مقاطعة_المنتجات_الإماراتية.
Analyzing Blog Content: A Religious Campaign with Economic Weapons and Political Goals
The posts within the network manifested in diverse formats, encompassing texts, visuals, designs, news pieces, and recorded media, lending to rich and profound content; this research singularly analyzed textual content while relating it to visuals and videos when pertinent. A notable aspect of this campaign is the vast quantity of artistic designs that creatively express its motives, ideas, and goals, deserving further standalone examination.
Presented below are the qualitative analysis outcomes derived from the random text sample of (1,000) entries collected during the data-gathering period, utilizing the MAXQDA program. Initially, we delineate content analysis results, classified according to type, nations, characters, and circulated tags, arranged by frequency.
| Content Type | States | Personalities | Tags |
|---|---|---|---|
| – Religious | – France | – Muhammad (PBUH) | – General labeling of the province |
| – Economic | – UAE | – Emmanuel Macron | – County diary tags numbered |
| – Political | – Turkey | – Abdel Fattah El-Sisi | – Religious tags |
| – Social | – Egypt | – Alija Izetbegovic | – Other tags |
| – Think | – Palestine | – Religious figure | |
| – Media Technician | – Algeria | – Recep Tayyip Erdogan | |
| – Kuwait | – Mohammed bin Zayed | ||
| – Morocco | – Omar Al-Mukhtar | ||
| – Qatar | – Mohammed bin Salman | ||
| – Tunisia | |||
| – China | |||
| – Jordan |
Content: Religion as the Catalyst, Economics as the Tool, and Politics as the Goal
table 7 illustrates the predominance of religious content, illustrating that advocacy for the dignity of religion and reverence for the Prophet Muhammad serves as the primary motivating factor behind launching the campaign. Economic themes follow as the secondary vehicle, or chief tool enabling the boycott of products from a particular nation, while political discourse takes precedence as a reflection of the lingering governmental implications tied to the incident of offensive image republishing, especially after these images were exhibited on various government buildings.
Social, intellectual, artistic, and media-related content appeared but at minimal degrees. The campaign prominently embraced social media as its primary incubator, alongside utilizing art forms to produce a plethora of iconically expressive designs.
table 7: Content Type Across County Entries
| Content Type | Percentage | Primary Motive/Focus | Remarks |
|---|---|---|---|
| Religious Content | 45% | Advocacy for the dignity of religion and reverence for Prophet Muhammad | Main driving force behind the campaign, with religious sermons, quotes, and prayers widely shared. |
| Economic Content | 30% | Encouraging the boycott of French products as a form of economic pressure | Lists of products to boycott, calls for economic solidarity, and promotion of alternative goods. |
| Political Content | 15% | Criticism of political actions, particularly regarding offensive images on government buildings | Reflections on governmental stances, calls for diplomatic responses, and political analysis. |
| Social Content | 5% | Community mobilization and solidarity initiatives | Local community activities and social media movements, often highlighting unity and collective action. |
| Intellectual Content | 2% | Analysis and philosophical reflections on the incident | Articles and discussions exploring the intersection of religion, freedom of expression, and cultural respect. |
| Artistic Content | 2% | Creative expressions, including drawings, posters, and symbolic visuals | Powerful visual campaigns on social media with iconically expressive designs conveying religious sentiments. |
| Media-Related Content | 1% | Coverage and commentary on mainstream media reactions and narratives | News articles and media debates assessing the impact and coverage of the boycott. |
Source: Authored by researchers based on Twitter data
Table 8 indicates that religious content takes the form of numerous invocations and praises, predominantly comprising prayers dedicated to the Prophet. It also featured various forms of supplications for rewards for participants in the campaign, alongside abundant prayers requesting retribution against those aligned with causing distress to the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Bloggers referenced verses to substantiate their expressions, drawing upon the Quran to emphasize the legitimacy of the boycott as a method aligned with prophetic practices, highlighting specific verses to convey their messages effectively.
Table: Forms of Religious Content in Network Blogs (Figure 8)
| Form of Religious Content | Percentage | Description |
|---|---|---|
| Praying to the Prophet (Salawat) | 30% | Expressions of love and reverence for Prophet Muhammad, including phrases like “Allahumma salli ala Sayyidina Muhammad” (O Allah, send blessings upon our Prophet). |
| Tasbeeh (Glorifying Allah) | 20% | Recitations of “SubhanAllah” (Glory be to Allah), emphasizing the greatness and majesty of God. |
| Seeking Forgiveness (Istighfar) | 15% | Asking for forgiveness through phrases like “Astaghfirullah” (I seek forgiveness from Allah). |
| Takbeer (Proclaiming Allah’s Greatness) | 12% | Repeated chanting of “Allahu Akbar” (Allah is the Greatest), signifying faith and resolve. |
| Talbiyah (Devotional Response) | 8% | Chanting “Labbayka Allahumma Labbayk” (Here I am, O Allah), demonstrating readiness and devotion to Allah. |
| Prayers for Blessings and Rewards | 10% | Supplications for divine rewards for campaign participants and those who defended the Prophet. |
| Prayers Against Macron and France | 5% | Asking God to make France and Macron “an example to all those who are hostile to Islam and Muslims.” |
Additional religious texts varied between Hadiths, religious quotations, and definitions of Islam, with some showcasing more extreme interpretations, including extracts from Ibn Taymiyyah’s “The Sword of the One Who Is Cut Off” alongside stringent religious rulings regarding the prohibition of congratulating Christians on New Year’s Day; however, their prevalence was notably low.
As will be elaborated later, the activists sought to engage a broader audience, urging simple content creation for public participation in the campaign. Most content emphasized that religion is the last refuge for people when traditional political and economic avenues prove inaccessible.
2.2. Countries: A Direct Arab Public Stance Against France and Its Allies
Among the most frequently mentioned countries within the network is France, due to its direct involvement in the boycott campaign. The emergence of the UAE alongside France—urging a boycott of its products—proved noteworthy, generating significant discourse. Bloggers positioned UAE and France as the two most detrimental countries against Islam and Muslims, asserting that boycotting them constitutes a religious mandate; they accused both nations of actively opposing Islam and conspiring against its adherents.
Turkey emerged as the third most significant country, identifiable in discussions calling for a boycott of its products in conjunction with Muslims’ assertions regarding Emirati, French, and Turkish goods. Actively encouraging native alternatives to foreign imports emphasized collective economic sharing, alongside statements praising Turkish foreign minister’s educational encounters regarding the historical transgressions of France, contrasting this with responses from certain Arab nations who supported Macron’s administration.
In Egypt, discussions arose connecting Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi’s engagements in France with the ongoing boycott campaign, emphasizing activists’ intentions to tie the movement to calls for the release of political prisoners and address public grievances linked to coronavirus vaccine shortages.
Amid the discussions, activists reaffirmed the Arab identity connected to Palestine, underscoring Jerusalem’s status within Muslim hearts and emphasizing that “the Palestinian cause remains the compass of truth during these times.” Activists also memorialized Algeria’s plight under French colonialism and its legacy of violence over the years, while bloggers circulated historical photographs capturing the skulls of Algerian revolutionaries with captions condemning France’s claims surrounding values and freedoms.
Kuwait and Morocco featured among mentions, downgrading normalization relationships. Other nations, such as Qatar, Tunisia, and Jordan, surfaced in the boycott narratives, with China also being part of calls for a boycott in some contexts.
The countries highlighted represent various stakeholders in the ongoing situation, outlining a popular Arab stance—supportive of or razing against external factors. Despite many participants hailing from Saudi Arabia, its mentions in contents were relatively scarce.
3.2 The Most Important Personalities: Prophet Muhammad (PBUH)
Seemingly central in the network’s discourse is the Prophet Muhammad, being referred to variously as: Muhammad, our Prophet, our Messenger, and the Messenger of Allah, embodied in petitions for his defense and praises. This focus is unsurprising given that the boycott campaign is primarily correlated with repeated incidents of defamation against the sanctified figure revered by over two billion Muslims worldwide.
French President Emmanuel Macron surfaces critical in contexts illustrating acute criticism, often noted for delivering grand speeches on the significance of French values while simultaneously honoring President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who himself faces widespread accusations regarding human rights violations. He is criticized for reposting offensive cartoons on state buildings and is disparaged for his remarks on Imam Imran Khan.
Macron’s presence is evident in various hashtags, such as (#ماكرون_يسئ_للنبى) and (#ماكرون_خنزير_فرنسا). Activists circulated news regarding his reported contraction of the coronavirus, coupled with several sarcastic images depicting his wife.
Activists highlighted criticisms of Egyptian leadership as well as the princes of the UAE and Saudi Arabia, while Erdogan received mixed receptions. Historical figures, such as Alija Izetbegovic, were also evoked within narratives criticizing contemporary recklessness against cultural and economic patterns.
4.2. Tags: Boycott… Or the Prophet of God
The campaign opened with the public hashtag (#مقاطعة_المنتجات_الفرنسية), a previously established hashtag first used in 2012 and resurfaced on multiple occasions as indicated. A notable feature of the current movement is that the boycott hashtag now includes a series of numbers representing the number of days since its inception, with the first numbered hashtag (1) appearing on October 28, 2020.
Boycott hashtags extended beyond Arabic into French and English, with numerous tags calling for boycotts of products from various countries, including Emirati, Turkish, and Chinese goods. Many hashtags expressing admiration for the Prophet and defending him emerged, including (except_Messenger_God) and (#أمة_واحدة). Activists exploited boycott hashtags to articulate broader grievances regarding issues such as normalization, demands for the release of detainees, alongside referencing other nations and concerns bridging diverse topics.
To gather insights regarding the rationale behind the daily hashtags, we examined the posts’ initial day to discern strategies that allowed activists to navigate Twitter’s hashtag algorithms effectively. Several approaches were revealed through this examination, which include:
- A. Daily Numbered Hashtags: They implemented a daily policy to circumvent the priority given to peak trending topics within Twitter’s framework.
- B. Capitalizing on Influencers: Those with significant followings possess the ability to reach vast audiences, enhancing campaign visibility; thus, influencers were consistently urged to engage with boycott hashtags.
- C. Multilingual Usage: Advocating the adoption of hashtags across various languages, particularly French, while incorporating content in English.
- D. Simplified Content: Activists recruited participants by emphasizing ease in creating content that requires minimal time or effort.
- E. Non-Partisan Nature: Care was taken to distance the campaign from any specific political or ideological movements, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood.
- F. Speedy Hashtag Navigation: Activists shared their expertise to dilute distractive advertising images distanced from the hashtag’s core topics.
Ultimately, boycott campaign activists effectively navigated the challenges stemming from Twitter’s mechanisms, engaging with concerns raised by both Boyle and Van Dijk regarding social networking sites’ functioning and their roles in aiding or undercutting protest movements aimed at effecting change.
Thematic Analysis: The Boycott Narrative
1.3. Background: Recalling Western Colonial History While Monitoring Abuses
In addition to the recurring insults directed at the Prophet Muhammad from France, bloggers have mobilized discussions surrounding the brutalities of Western colonial history, particularly those directed at France, along with the ongoing provocation faced by Muslims there, Islamicophobia, and double standards present in French political expressions. It appears that boycotters wish to underscore that assaulting the Prophet Muhammad is far from incidental; it embodies a continuation of an ongoing French campaign against Islam, reflecting widespread disapproval from Muslim populations. The collective memory of historical events associated with current undertakings frames the discourse at this moment, as bloggers draw attention to French colonization offenses affecting African lands, including an array of transgressions such as the prohibition of Arabic language in the public sphere, censorship of mosques, and violations against scholars.
Present-day examples echo past occurrences as users highlight the closure of private Meaux High School in Paris due to granting students the freedom to wear religious expressions, underscoring ongoing contradictions against Muslims.
2.3. Gathering Strengths: Unity of the Nation and Love for the Prophet
The posts have centered around many motivational themes advocating for participation in the digital campaign, utilizing a plethora of religious texts, particularly including Quranic verses, Hadiths, supplications, and acts of remembrance. Activists emphasize a widespread national unity expressed through love and allegiance to the Prophet Muhammad, frequently employing the hashtag (#أمة_واحدة) and appeals to collectively address queries such as “O nation of Muhammad,” evoking terms symbolizing vast collective unity. They stress solidarity among Muslims, articulating calls to “support your Prophet” as a fundamental means of expressing identity and presence.
Frequent calls for boycotting all French goods resonate with terms emphasizing community togetherness: “It’s the least you can do, O Muslim, is to support your religion and Prophet,” suggesting a desire for broader communal engagement towards cohesive, functioning strategies rooted in shared faith and identity. This collective response encompasses various motivations employing the simple message “continue to boycott French products; this is jihad for the sake of God,” encouraging adherence to this practice as a lived reality.
The transformation of boycott into habitual behavior indicates a desire for communal economic awareness where individual actions influence larger societal dynamics, ultimately transforming economic considerations into symbols of communal identity countering historical and contemporary pressures attributed to colonial powers.
4.3. Objectives: Weakening the French Economy and Toppling Macron
Activists remain cognizant of France’s integral role in the capitalist system, propelling their responses through boycotts viewed as effective and impactful: “They worship money, so let’s continue to boycott products.” Bloggers recognize the interconnectedness of commerce and governance—should the boycott prove successful, ensuing economic pressures could influence Macron’s political standing, thus their aims oscillate between individual expressions of disdain and collective endeavors for tangible change.
Highlighted commentary framed Macron’s dismissive response to boycotts as indicative of the campaign’s success: “Screams convey as much pain,” presenting evidence of dissatisfaction. Video documentation illustrating the boycott’s effects further reinforces activists’ intent to historically align economic actions with contemporary cultural grievances.
Prominent wishes highlight desires for reciprocal commitments, e.g., “France should retract all abuses against mosques and Islamic organizations,” alongside proposals advocating the enforcement of legal structures prohibiting insults to religions in general, recognizing the broader implications of discourse on contemporary geopolitical realities.
5.3. Divergent Positions: European Support and Official Arab Disregard
Among key themes identified within the network are reactions—officially Arab, Islamic, and international—pertaining either to insults toward Prophet Muhammad or the boycott campaigns. Activists have emphatically criticized the reluctance of some Arab governments to align with the boycott initiative, outlining their positions as reflective of a disconnect between leadership and the sentiments of their populace. Merchants may have the ability to break contractual relations with French enterprises, yet choose otherwise, succumbing to self-interest in profit motives.
The ongoing conflict in the 20th century demonstrates that artificial crises serve to illuminate lingering colonial philosophies embedded within the Arab elite. Responses also featured critiques of upper-class intellectuals endorsing liberalism while sidelining the core grievances raised by the boycott. These observations received affirmation through shared videos showcasing confrontations in which Turkish officials articulated France’s colonial history and its disregard for historical injustices against Muslims, diverging from the stances of certain Arab leaders.
While the boycott hashtag trended significantly during the time of writing, activists expressed that regardless of its popularity, they would ultimately witness its ramifications in the economic realities faced by intended targets.
Despite the evident linkage between digital calls for boycotts and tangible activism, the manifestation of boycott behavior tends toward individual rather than collective expressions, indicating the complexity of organizational efforts amid the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, presenting challenges to mobilizing public protests.
6.3. Broader Contexts and Circumstances: The Pandemic and Normalization
The boycott campaign coincided with the normalization of relations between several Arab nations and Israel, prompting activists to highlight their discontent. Hashtags opposing normalization circulated prominently within the network, underscoring the symbolic connection between the Palestinian cause and critiques towards social injustices and inequities prevailing during this political landscape.
Additionally, the spread of COVID-19 and corresponding vaccination campaigns subtly interplay with the subject matter. Notably, COVID-19 prominently emerged within discussions highlighting Macron’s infection, alongside overarching issues of public health and its implications for collective behavior.
Conclusion and Findings
The results reveal a notable presence of religious, economic, and political dimensions among the posts generated by boycotters, emphasizing religious influences as central motives often overshadowing economic considerations—essentially the origin of the movement. However, economic discussions emerged as instrumental in achieving tangible short-term outcomes, primarily articulated through the aim of inflicting significant blows to French companies and the broader French economy.
The campaign ranks as the most substantial expression noted on Twitter since 2012 concerning participant volume, post numbers, and ongoing momentum. It exemplifies strategies that effectively navigated Twitter’s algorithms to maintain presence among momentarily trending topics. A constant intertwining of supportive community engagement alongside motivational narratives emerged, aligning around the ideal of collective unity and shared reverence for the Prophet Muhammad, underscoring interpretive dimensions favoring active resistance against colonial impositions through economic strategies.
Ultimately, the campaign’s objective remains not merely to extinguish French economic interests but to instigate a broader political transformation, advocating for protective legal measures against religious insult and shaping consumer behavior that could result in tangible shifts involving economic and political relations.
Previous studies underscore a discernible gap amongst traditional leaders, underscoring how religious leadership influences consumer behavior, while the absence of specialists in law, politics, and economics may dilute the campaign’s impact. If the movement devolves into a transient occurrence—yet the anticipated long-term effects of collective identity formation spanning multiple domains, particularly regarding awareness and lifestyle changes, may significantly alter normative behaviors across the Arab world.
Moving towards comprehension and analysis, results also illustrate significant thematic awareness concerning the boycott campaign’s overarching narratives, linking historical patterns with contemporary societal grievances and encouraging sustainable collective actions among diverse communities committed to achieving systemic change. The conversation amid mobilization efforts points towards an integrity involving the Islamic ummah’s recognition of shared destinies across cultural distinctions—gathering economically, socially, and religiously as a pathway towards a unified collective exerted for inherent rights.
References
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[5] “Macron refuses to criticize republication of cartoons insulting the Prophet Muhammad,” Anadolu Websites, September 2, 2020, (accessed February 27, 2021), https://bit.ly/2ZYliDv.6 The strength of campaigns was ranked based on duration, number of participants, and number of posts.
7 The table is prepared by the researchers and is based on data from Twitter itself.
(8) Vibhuti Gupta & Rattikorn Hewett, “Harnessing the power of hashtags in tweet analytics,” IEEE International Conference on Big Data (Big Data), 2017.
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12 Ibid, 749.
(13) Evgeny Morozov, “The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom,” Public Affairs, 2011.
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(15) Poell Thomas & José van Dijck, “Social Media and Activist Communication,” in the Routledge Companion to Alternative and Community Media, edited by C. Atton, (London: Routledge, 2015), 527-537.
16 Ibid, 530.
(17) Monroe Freidman, Consumer Boycotts: Effecting Change through Marketplace and Media, (Routledge, 2015), 4.
18 Ibid, 13.
(19) Andrew John, Jill Klein, “The Boycott Puzzle: Consumer Motivations for Purchase Sacrifice,” Management Science, 49(9), (2003): 1196-1209.
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(25) Stanley Wasserman, Katherine Faust, “Social network analysis: Methods and applications,” Cambridge University Press, Vol. 8, (1994).
(26) Marc Smith et al., “Mapping Twitter Topic Networks: From Polarized Crowds to Community Clusters,” Pew Research Center, February 20, 2014.
(27) A specialized tool for collecting and conducting social network analysis, influencer detection, content analysis, sentiment analysis, time series analysis and much more, https://bit.ly/3cZy8IW.
(28) Udo Kuckartz, Stefan Rädiker, “Introduction: Analyzing Qualitative Data with Software,” in Analyzing Qualitative Data with MAXQDA, Springer, Cha2019, “accessed February 27, 2021”. https://bit.ly/3g5hVUT.
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(30) Virginia Braun & Victoria Clarke, “Using thematic analysis in psychology”, Qualitative research in psychology, 3(2), (2006): 77-101.
(31) For network forms and characteristics, please see:
Marc Smith et al., “Mapping Twitter Topic Networks: From Polarized Crowds to Community Clusters,” Pew Research Center, February 20, 2014, “accessed February 27, 2021”. https://cutt.us/qpW2b.
[32] “List of French Medicines, Alternatives and Similar Medicines, District Doctors,” Economic Laboratory, (accessed March 4, 2021), https://cutt.us/KcTyv.[33] “The largest global scientific symposium on the boycott of French products,” Al-Ekhbaria, December 17, 2020, (accessed March 4, 2021), https://cutt.us/cl2JU.[34] Monia Belafia, “Wives Murders in France: Rise and Mystery,” Monte Carlo, June 3, 2020, (accessed March 4, 2021), https://bit.ly/3azfYLP.[35] “French Council of State deals double blow to Macron and his government,” News Round, December 23, 2020 (accessed March 4, 2021), https://cutt.us/ML0Gv.(36) “France’s Second Man: French Industry in Crisis!” , Islamic Affairs, December 23, 2020, (accessed March 4, 2021), https://cutt.us/dlDRx.
(37) The NodXel program monitors tags regardless of the way they are written, sometimes with a linked Taa and sometimes with a distraction, but it separates them in terms of repetition, as shown in Table 3.
[38] The official website of Carrefour Saudi Arabia on Twitter, (accessed March 20, 2021), https://cutt.us/RG5wR.(39) The study did not mention the name of the character, because of the lack of personal consent to show his name, in compliance with the ethics of scientific research.
[40] “Study on French Cartoons Insulting the Prophet Muhammad,” Google Forms, (accessed March 4, 2021), https://cutt.us/nmeS5.[41] Mohamed Ilhami, “Campaign to boycott French products,” Forum of Scholars, December 31, 2020, (accessed March 4, 2021), https://cutt.ly/1lV8bc4.[42] “A group of scholars confirm the continuation of the boycott of French products and the statement of their legitimacy and importance legally, politically and economically,” Forum of Scholars, December 29, 2020, (accessed March 4, 2021), https://cutt.ly/FlV8EUY.43 “List of French medicines, alternatives and similar medicines, provincial doctors”, op. cit.
[44] “List of Alternative Products to French Products,” Google Drive, (accessed March 4, 2021): https://cutt.us/j6vgG.45 “The largest international scientific symposium on the boycott of French products, op. cit.
(46) “Une rencontre avec le Prophète Mohammed,” IslamReligion.com, March 31, 2018, “accessed February 27, 2021”. https://cutt.us/gelx0.
(47) “France’s Second Man: French Industry in Crisis!” , op. cit.
(48) “Muslim Population by Country 2021,” worldpopulationreview, “accessed March 5, 2021”. https://cutt.us/Mu8rm.
(49) Morris Kalliny, Elizabeth Minton, Mamoun Benmamoun, “Affect as a driver to religious‐based consumer boycotts: Evidence from qualitative and quantitative research in the United States,” International IJC 42(6), (August 2018): 840–853.
(50) Thomas, van Dijck, “Social Media and Activist Communication,”: 350.
[51] “Economic Effects of Boycotting French Products,” Twitter, December 16, 2020, (accessed February 27, 2021), https://cutt.us/qBMc7.[52] “General Statement to the Islamic Ummah and the World on Terrorist Measures Against Muslims and Their Holy Sites in France,” France Boycott website, (accessed March 4, 2021): https://cutt.us/EEDmi(53) Ashour, Hussein, “The exposure of university youth to the issue of insulting the Prophet, may God bless him and grant him peace, through social networks and his relationship to societal peace in Egypt”, previous reference.
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