- By Sameer Abdul Rasoul Alobeidi (Al-Mustansiriya University, Al-Mustansiriya Center for Arab and International Studies, Department of Historical Studies)
- Translated by Mohamed SAKHRI.
During the establishment of national rule in Iraq, with the appointment of Prince Faisal bin Hussein (May 20, 1883 – September 8, 1933) as King of Iraq on August 23, 1921, a noticeable pattern of national mobilization emerged. This movement primarily advocated for the foundations of democracy and good parliamentary governance. Political parties were recognized as the cornerstone of achieving this, leading to increased popular demands from the active political class before and after 1918, particularly following the British occupation, which allowed a relative degree of political freedom compared to the Ottoman rule. As a result, the government responded to these demands, and on July 2, 1922, the Political Parties Law was enacted to regulate party activities in the country, which did not significantly differ from the previous law under the Ottoman regime, especially regarding the Interior Ministry’s absolute powers to grant licenses and manage political affairs. Thus began the first phase of party life in Iraq (August 1922 – April 1935), where this study aimed to examine the political ideas of the licensed parties during the period from 1930 to 1935.
The first section addressed the beginnings of party activity in Iraq (1918-1922), considered the historical groundwork for scientific research. The Iraqi political elite was very active during the last decade of Ottoman rule (1908-1918), as well as during the periods of occupation and mandate (1918-1932), particularly concerning organizing the relationship with the British occupier, the form of governance, and selecting a candidate for the throne of Iraq. Thus, the period from 1918 to 1921 witnessed widespread political debate that included all segments of the Iraqi elite and extended throughout the country, culminating in the choice of Faisal bin Hussein as king and the enactment of the Political Parties Law on July 2, 1922, as a precursor to party activity in Iraq.
The second section examined the features of the party experience in royal Iraq, which was considered advanced compared to neighboring countries, even though it did not exceed the binary of authority and opposition—meaning the existence of two fundamental types of parties, with the ruling parties dominating in terms of both numbers and political influence, starting with the establishment of the Iraqi Liberal Party on September 3, 1922.
The third section discussed political parties in Iraq from 1930 to 1935, a historical phase rich with political events, both domestically and internationally. This period saw the signing of the treaty on June 30, 1930, with Britain, which allowed Iraq to gain independence and enter the League of Nations on October 3, 1932, becoming the first Arab country to achieve this milestone, marking an achievement for the political elite. During this period, three political parties emerged, which the section focused on studying, highlighting their founding circumstances, the activities of their leaders, and—most importantly—their political ideas as expressed through their declared programs.
I. The Beginnings of Party Activity in Iraq (1918–1922)
Following the fall of the Abbasid state in 1258, Iraq experienced successive conquests, being controlled first by the Mongols (1258–1534), then the Ottomans (1534–1918), up until the British invasion during World War I (1914–1918). Each regime directly or indirectly impacted Iraq’s political, economic, and social landscape, resulting in a state of instability. While the inefficiencies and corrupt governance of the Ottoman Empire were notorious, the exploitation and heavy taxation by the new occupiers were even worse, fostering a sense of justice and awareness of the need for struggle against oppression, which culminated in the 1920 Revolution. This revolution was the result of a long struggle by the Iraqi people against foreign colonialism, demanding independence and the right to self-determination.
The 1920 Revolution, despite its military failure due to the superior weapons and military expertise of the occupier, along with the weakening factors of the Iraqi national movement, succeeded politically by awakening the populace across various social and economic strata. This led the British to grant Iraq national governance on August 23, 1921.
Since its emergence in resisting the British occupation after World War I, the national movement in Iraq demanded complete independence and the right to self-determination, choosing democracy as the governing system they aspired to establish. This was echoed in a referendum conducted by Arnold Wilson (1884–1940), the acting royal governor, during the period 1918-1919, as well as in petitions from key cities like Baghdad, Najaf, Karbala, and Kadhimiyah, which insisted that any government should be a constitutional, representative, and democratic entity bound by law to achieve the principles of democratic governance, essentially a parliament representing the people along with accountability of ministers to the National Assembly.
The features defining this system indicate it is based on a parliament elected by the people from which a government must derive, responsible to that parliament. The two critical pillars of this system, therefore, are the government and parliament, but what enables these institutions to perform optimally is the presence of political parties. Thus, a democratic system without political parties cannot be imagined, as they represent the interests of the social classes composing society. Each class in a stratified society must find expression for its interests through its party. A democratic system functions to reflect societal interests and class struggles through peaceful competition, persuasion, and campaigning for party candidates to secure a majority in the parliament, which then forms the cabinet and implements its program until voters choose to replace their government in a subsequent election, granting their trust to another party for a new majority to lead in a democratic turnover of power.
One can trace this political awareness back to the coronation of Prince Faisal as King of Iraq. On July 11, 1921, the Council of Ministers of the Interim Iraqi Government (October 25, 1920 – August 23, 1921) led by Abdul Rahman al-Naqi (1841–1927) decided to advocate for “the proclamation of His Highness Prince Faisal as King of Iraq on the condition that his government be a constitutional, representative, and democratic government bound by law.” The meeting’s minutes included their conditions for the pledge, with similar documents emerging from Baghdad, Al-Adhamiyah, and some areas of Mosul, stating:
“We have convened and unanimously agreed to crown His Highness Prince Faisal as King of Iraq within its natural borders, ensuring it remains a government that is constitutional, representative, democratic, free, and independent, devoid of all constraints and independent of foreign authority. The first action to be taken is forming and convening a general assembly that establishes the laws and constitution within three months of assuming power.”
This political awareness can primarily be attributed to the significant role played by Iraqis in secret and public associations that emerged across Arab regions to resist Ottoman despotism and attain independence and self-determination. Among these were the Covenant Association (1918) and the Independence Guard (1919). Following the British occupation, these secret associations resumed their public activities, capitalizing on public discontent towards the oppressive measures of the authorities. With the formation of the Interim Iraqi Government, nationalists felt the need to organize and form political parties to achieve complete independence for Iraq. Calls for the establishment of political parties increased after the coronation of Faisal I, who recognized the critical need for a national opposition through which he could press Britain to achieve national demands.
As the new era unfolded, those involved in politics, both former party members and others, thought it necessary to establish political parties that would express the will of the nation in a more organized and expansive manner, directed towards achieving goals of national unity and complete independence.
In early August 1921, a group from Kadhimiyah in Baghdad submitted a request to establish a political party named “The Renaissance Party” to High Commissioner Percy Cox (1864–1937). However, the authorities clearly expressed their intent to postpone the establishment of political parties, leading the high commissioner to send a note to the Cabinet. In response, the Cabinet convened on August 11, 1921, deciding to delay the formation of parties until a specific law governing them was issued.
Regardless of the official stance, the desire to engage in political work and participate in the political life aimed at achieving Iraq’s independence and unity persisted among many who had played a significant role in the national movement before the establishment of the Iraqi state. The resistance from the authorities against establishing parties did not hinder their emergence; thus, the Iraqi National Party, led by Muhammad Jaafar Abu Thaman (1881–1945), and the Iraqi Renaissance Association, led by Muhammad Amin Al-Jurfaji, were initially formed secretly. This pushed Abdul Rahman Al-Naqi’s second ministry (September 12, 1921 – August 19, 1922) to enact a Associations Law that would regulate the formation of parties. Although this law came with many restrictions, party proponents did not hesitate to submit their applications to the Interior Ministry. With the issuance of the Political Parties Law on July 2, 1922, party life in Iraq officially began.
The parties that were founded during the period of national governance can be divided into two types:
The first is described as a moderate party, which always supports the government in negotiations with Britain to achieve as much as possible of national demands.
The second is referred to as “extremist,” whose goal is to oppose the government and criticize treaties intended to be concluded with Britain, aiming for complete independence. For the sake of studying, political parties can be divided into three groups:
- Political parties that were approved before the start of parliamentary life;
- Political parties that emerged in connection with the Mosul issue;
- Parliamentary parties that appeared when parliamentary life began.
II. Characteristics of the Party Experience in Royal Iraq
Since the democratic system is something larger than what one individual can achieve, there was a need from the outset for political gathering, which explains the connection between the growth of Western democracy and the emergence of party experience. The multi-party system in the West has become a “fundamental rule of parliamentary democracy,” to the extent that it has been said that “there is no democracy without parties.” It is also claimed that “it is an illusion or hypocrisy to claim that democracy can exist without parties,” as this is a valid point given that an individual cannot form the general will or direct public opinion alone. There is no doubt that democracy is the state of parties.
In the Western democracies from which the framers of the Basic Law in 1925 borrowed its main principles and some institutions, particularly the House of Representatives as established through direct elections by the people, there are institutions based on parliamentary life and political life in general. Among the most important of these institutions are political parties. These parties emerged and developed, expressing specific economic, social, and political interests, and each had defined programs and plans, with varying degrees of public support. Competition in parliamentary elections in these countries thus occurs among parties based on their principles and programs concerning both public policies and urgent events and issues.
The dominance of successive ministries in Iraq over the political system was the result of another factor—the absence of effective political organizations such as parties that could have compensated for or supported the House of Representatives. In some countries, parties may possess a position of power capable of exerting pressure to achieve some of their political, social, and economic demands or to hold government officials accountable for their actions. However, in royal Iraq, they were unable to perform this role, aside from some effectiveness demonstrated in other advanced historical stages. Yet, that effectiveness was limited in impact and occurred in exceptional cases, not achieving a long-term influence on executive authority resolutions or making significant changes in policies or relations.
During this period, many political parties emerged with varying goals, identities of their founders and leaders, and organizational bases. However, since the early years of the establishment of the Iraqi state, the ruling elite parties took a significant portion of the political landscape. This began with the Progressive Party (August 22, 1925) led by Prime Minister Abd al-Mahsin al-Saadun (1889 – 1929) to support his second ministry (June 26, 1925 – November 1, 1926) in the House of Representatives. These parties are characterized by instability and short lifespans due to their weak structures and goals, as they focused on limited and short-term objectives, such as ending the British mandate and obtaining full independence or renewing and amending the Iraqi-British treaty of 1927. In other words, these parties lacked a comprehensive philosophy that engaged with social, economic, and political aspects of life. The lack of theoretical and intellectual foundations was not the only distinguishing feature. There was also a predominance of personal factors in their structure and activities, with Iraqi political leaders seeking to build support for themselves, especially during their time in office, by forming parties. Some surfaced in the political arena when their leaders assumed ministerial positions or when they dominated the administration through their allies. The continued existence of these parties was linked to the ongoing political influence of their founders, emphasizing the maintenance of personal interests rather than adherence to ideological principles. Historian Abdul Razzaq al-Husseini states that “the public lost faith in these parties because personal interests were at the core of their existence and continuity.” Thus, instead of relying on broad public bases, elite parties depended in their structures and activities on mid and high-level employees and a number of tribal leaders in the House of Representatives.
Party membership was primarily based on self-interest, such as achieving economic, political, and administrative gains, and thus did not hold intrinsic value before achieving membership. Instead, its significance stemmed from the special privileges that came with obtaining it. Moreover, loyalty and affiliation to the party were influenced by the political influence of the party’s founder, and it was not unusual for the size of membership to wane or the political success of these leaders to fluctuate accordingly. People joined or left elite parties based on personal interests that were influenced by changes occurring within the ministry.
During this phase, Iraq witnessed extensive political activity represented by the approval of multiple political parties, which focused their platforms on resisting the mandate to achieve full independence. However, these parties generally lacked a national dimension, likely stemming from their fear of the mandate authorities. Since the immediate goal presented to the national movement was to free the country from the mandate first, they adopted calls for Arab unity through their media channels by putting forward specific programs regarding this issue. They agreed on positions that showcased a strong sense of nationalism and criticized the negative attitudes of Arab governments towards the issue of unity. They also undertook noticeable efforts to guide successive governments and the general public towards national awakening and cohesion, emphasizing the need to build political and economic unity through specific frameworks, advocating their discussions in their party and popular conferences, while also carefully observing the experiences of European nations and others in modernizing the state without monopolizing power.
In this phase of contemporary Iraqi history, political parties generally exhibited similar goals, emphasizing the need to achieve complete independence for Iraq, liberate it from the mandate, and join the League of Nations. Despite many of their dignitaries being involved in Arab nationalist associations, these parties did not pay significant attention to nationalist issues—especially Arab unity. They operated as regional or nationalist parties without directly addressing social and economic issues, despite most of them calling for attention to agriculture and expanding arable land.
Most of these parties were based on personal relationships among members, resembling the agendas of traditional ministries, and their activities were largely confined to legislative councils. Their primary goals were limited to achieving or retaining power, often disbanding quickly due to pressures from authorities, internal disagreements among members, or some members siding with the government. They did not possess broad public bases but operated based on the influence and reputation of their leaders, securing public support mainly when they defended national interests and expressed the people’s desires.
However, despite these observations, it can be said that political parties during the mandate period played an important role in Iraq’s political development because, through their diverse programs and activities, they prepared public opinion to demand its rights and worked to strengthen national awareness in Iraq.
Historically, a comparative examination of the Iraqi state experience in the 1920s, despite its profound differences from the current reality, reveals that the state formation during that period involved a significant historical specificity suitable for building a modern state with appropriate characteristics. It, at least, managed to establish a modern Iraqi identity apart from the Ottoman states, succeeded in gaining international recognition, and its efforts culminated in joining the League of Nations. The parliamentary and constitutional institutions—albeit nominally and with a prevailing pluralistic foundation—were distinctive features of that state. The element that facilitated this diverse and parliamentary formation was the class of forces and parties that constituted the political structure, with the primary goal being the achievement of independence through acknowledging the diversity of active political forces, providing space for as many personalities and political assemblies as possible to contribute to building the Iraqi state.
III. Political Parties in Iraq (1930 – 1935)
- The Iraqi Covenant Party (October 14, 1930)
Britain and Iraq decided to conclude the awaited treaty, finding that King Faisal I had an opportunity to appoint a close associate as prime minister, someone who had accompanied him in Hejaz during the Arab Revolution and was part of his political entourage in Iraq. He entrusted the ministry to Nuri al-Said (1888 – 1958), who formed it on March 23, 1930. One of the first tasks of the ministry was to conclude the new treaty based on complete independence. Accordingly, a royal decree was issued at the request of the Prime Minister to cancel the extension of the National Assembly’s meeting starting from March 24, 1930, thus the assembly was suspended, and negotiations began on April 1, lasting no more than two months. The treaty was signed on June 30, 1930, to become effective upon Iraq’s admission as a member of the League of Nations in 1932, remaining valid for twenty-five years unless amended by mutual agreement.
In addition to concluding the treaty, the Prime Minister sought to dissolve the House of Representatives and hold new elections to secure a parliamentary majority to pass the treaty. As a result, the opposition secured less than one-sixth of the House of Representatives seats (14 seats), while the elections held on July 10, 1930, granted Nuri al-Said significant influence in the council (74 seats), primarily comprising his personal supporters. He also aimed to establish a new party named the Iraqi Covenant Party, intending to evoke memories of the struggle against the Ottomans for the Arab cause. From the first day of its establishment, the party became a tool for him, as most of its members were his close supporters, led by supportive deputies and members of the electoral inspection committee from the last elections. Party members, at his urging, signed written pledges upon nomination for parliamentary seats to join the Covenant later. The primary goal of forming the party was to ensure the endorsement of the treaty in the House of Representatives, supporting his political strategy during that stage. In the party’s first meeting on October 15, 1930, they affirmed the policy of cooperation with Britain while emphasizing the absolute importance of concluding the treaty and its annexes.
The founding body of the Iraqi Covenant Party comprised Ibrahim al-Wa’ith, Abdul Razzaq al-Ruwaishdi, Abdul Razzaq Munir, Abdul Aziz al-Sannawi, Sadiq al-Basam, Jamil al-Rawi, Abdul Razzaq al-Hassan, Dawood al-Saadi, Abdul Hadi al-Jalabi, and Salah Babaan. On another front, Nuri al-Said instructed Abdul Razzaq al-Hassan (1895 – 1964) to issue a newspaper named “Echo of the Covenant” on August 7, 1930, to counter opposition against the ministry and the treaty.
The party called its program “The Basic System of the Iraqi Covenant Party,” which is notably brief, consisting of four articles. Article one states the name of the party, Article four reads, “The party will announce a program during its annual meeting regarding the articles it intends to implement that year.” Here are the key points of Articles two and three, revealing the party’s political ideas:
Article Two: “The aim of the party is to achieve the complete independence of Iraq and ensure its happiness by nurturing national powers and organizing matters of administration, economy, knowledge, health, agriculture, and the military, fostering a spirit of renewal and reforming regulations and laws to reflect modern culture.”
It’s clear from this text that the only specification is to say that “the aim of the party is to achieve complete independence.”
As for Article Three, it states: “To maintain and develop good relations with neighboring and friendly countries.”
After Nuri al-Said accomplished his primary ministry task by securing Iraq’s membership in the League of Nations on October 3, 1932, his second ministry resigned (October 19, 1931 – October 27, 1932). The king assigned Naji Shawkat (1891 – 1980) to form a new ministry to dissolve the House of Representatives elected by the resigned ministry, to come up with a new council under neutral elections. Nuri al-Said visited Naji Shawkat in his official office, offering to place the parliamentary majority represented by the Iraqi Covenant Party at his disposal, provided that the assembly remains intact without dissolution. However, the idea of dissolution had already been decided, and a royal decree was issued to dissolve it on November 8, 1932.
Thus ended the life of the Iraqi Covenant Party, along with the life of other parties established for specific purposes, once those purposes were achieved and the need for their existence ceased.
- The National Brotherhood Party (November 25, 1930)
With Nuri al-Said assuming the ministry on March 23, 1930, and the establishment of the Covenant Party, preparations for parliamentary elections began. Mohammad Jaafar Abu al-Tamman, after the National Party resumed political activities, held a meeting at his home with his party members, announcing a boycott of the elections and disseminating a statement urging the public to refrain from participating. This stance continued the party’s established policy, but Yasin al-Hashimi, Rashid Ali al-Kaylani, and Naji al-Suwaidi decided to participate in the elections despite being from opposition factions.
However, Nuri al-Said’s party won the elections, securing a vast majority in the House of Representatives, prompting the opposition to negotiate and cooperate. They formed a new political party called the National Brotherhood Party, joining with the National Party to create a strong front opposing the existing ministry, and the Ministry of Interior officially recognized the party on November 25, 1930.
The Brotherhood Party represented a scaled-up version of the People’s Party (November 25, 1925), yet its program was less concise than its predecessor. The last article indicated that the party would sequentially publish detailed plans to implement its articles, mirroring the exact content of the People’s Party program. However, the remaining three articles were not a platform aimed at securing parliamentary majority to adopt the people’s demands and rights. Instead, they were political strategies aimed at responding to the Covenant Party and questioning Nuri al-Said’s ministry. For example, Article One “alerted the Iraqi people to resist personal actions that are incompatible with the public interest,” while Article Two “called for the formation of an Iraqi public opinion to combat anything that might compromise the independence of the country.” Article Three emphasized “protecting Iraq’s rights in its economic resources and promoting domestic products while investing its resources for the benefit of its citizens.”
The internal regulations of the party were the same as those in both the parties, as Yasin al-Hashimi established an internal system for the People’s Party, which he followed until the party dissolved at the end of 1928. When he formed the new party, he used the same internal regulations, changing only the name. This regulation was one of the longest among the internal regulations of parties, whether those that preceded it or those that followed it. Among the prominent members of the party were Rashid Ali al-Kaylani, Naji al-Suwaidi, Yasin al-Hashimi, Ali Joudat al-Ayoubi, Hikmat Suleiman, and Kamil al-Jaderji, along with many lawyers and some military personnel and tribal leaders from the middle Euphrates region. When conducting elections for the administrative body, Rashid Ali al-Kaylani and Ali Joudat al-Ayoubi were elected as secretaries, with Abdul Ilah Hafiz as the accountant, and Yasin al-Hashimi, Hikmat Suleiman, among others, serving as members.
The Brotherhood Party showed significant political activity aimed at opposing the Covenant Party, making every effort to collaborate with the National Party, leading to the signing of a brotherhood document between the two parties on November 22-23, 1930, “before the official approval of the Brotherhood Party.” This pact was signed by Yasin al-Hashimi and Rashid Ali on behalf of the Brotherhood Party, and Muhammad Jaafar Abu al-Tamman, Maulood Makhlis, and Mahmoud Ramiz represented the National Party.
The two allied parties shifted towards a new action plan after realizing they could not exert influence within the parliament due to the presence of the Covenant majority. They turned to holding tribal conferences in the central Euphrates and convened a conference in Karbala on January 5, 1931, continuing their tours in Najaf, Kufa, and Hillah. Upon returning, they sent protest telegrams to King Faisal I regarding the behavior of security personnel in the cities they visited, urging him not to endorse the treaty. Rashid Ali al-Kaylani and Muhammad Jaafar Abu al-Tamman also visited Basra for the same purpose, which led to increased tensions with the ministry, which saw the actions of the Brotherhood leaders as attempts to undermine its efforts to ensure the implementation of the 1930 treaty, escalating the conflict. On March 8, 1931, Yasin al-Hashimi, Rashid Ali al-Kaylani, and Ali Joudat al-Ayoubi submitted their resignation from the House of Representatives, continuing their opposition activities against the ministry, whether through popular meetings or by submitting letters of protest to King Faisal I.
On June 26, 1932, King Faisal I appointed Rashid Ali al-Kaylani as head of the royal court, which distanced him from the Brotherhood Party’s administrative body, though it was overlooked that he remained a member (his membership was suspended but he maintained affiliation until its dissolution). Following this, Kamil al-Jaderji resigned from the party’s high committee, stating, “the benefit to the party from this action does not match the moral damages the party will incur,” while the rest of the members believed that his proximity to the king would aid the party in achieving its national goals. When Jamil al-Midfai formed his first ministry (November 9, 1933 – February 12, 1934), governors started harassing party members to force them to leave, resulting in significant challenges for the Brotherhood Party.
With the rise of political developments, King Ghazi entrusted Yasin al-Hashimi with forming the ministry, leading to the establishment of his second ministry (March 17, 1935 – October 29, 1936). He then dissolved the House of Representatives on April 9, 1935. On May 1, 1935, newspapers published a statement from the high committee announcing a decision to halt party sessions and suspend political activities, articulated as follows:
“The general conference of the National Brotherhood Party, during its meeting held on April 29, 1935, considered the proposal presented by the high committee regarding the current status of the country, which necessitates actions to achieve essential reforms. After deliberation, it was found that the country urgently needed to unify words and efforts to complete the final stages toward its national goals—politically, economically, and socially. To realize this noble goal, it is necessary to allow the patriotic sons of the country to renounce old partisanships and unite in forming a single front that supports the intended reform plans. Therefore, the party sessions are suspended, and its political activities are halted, with its members striving to unify the nation’s voice and integrate the parties into a single entity.”
Majid Khaddouri commented on this, stating that the primary reason for this was Yasin al-Hashimi’s desire to have absolute control over the management of state affairs, revealing that this step was a precursor to establishing a one-party system. He wrote on April 19, 1935, just before the decision to suspend, a letter to Naji Shawkat, Iraq’s ambassador to Turkey, stating, “I have started preparing to form a single party by inviting the Brotherhood Conference to suspend its political activities in preparation for this formation.” However, this party was never formed, and Iraq remained without parties until 1946.
3 – The National Unity Party (November 20, 1934)
Ali Joudat al-Ayyubi (1886 – 1969) successfully formed a ministry (August 23, 1933 – February 23, 1934), but he did not remain in power for long due to the uprising of the tribes in the southern Euphrates against him, as they were dissatisfied with his policies during his time as head of the royal court. Additionally, a significant number of politicians who disagreed with him sought the support of the tribes to eliminate the influence of Ali Joudat al-Ayyubi and Jamil al-Madfai and their continued governance.
This ministry worked to create a political party called the National Unity Party, publishing a statement that outlined the reasons for establishing the party, emphasizing the need to unite ranks, unify voices, ensure solidarity among parties and organizations, and reject infighting and differences.
In reality, the call from this party for other parties to join and unite with it was not met positively by parties like the National Brotherhood and remnants of the Iraqi Covenant Party. However, parliamentary groups accustomed to moving between parties soon began to support and back the party.
The purpose of founding the party was to bolster the government and confront the wide-ranging opposition. However, the party was weak in terms of its members, comprising obscure politicians and a few tribal chiefs who were not politically well-known, in addition to the absence of popular support for the party. Nonetheless, it emerged as the first political party formed after independence. The procedures typically followed in party formation were adhered to, as the approval of its establishment, its foundational program, and its internal regulations were all contingent upon the Ministry of the Interior’s validation.
Beneficiaries of the ministry joined the party, particularly those who secured parliamentary seats following the elections held on September 9, 1933. The party’s administrative body consisted of Ali Joudat al-Ayyubi as president, Salih Bash Ayan as vice president, and Salim Qasim Agha as secretary. The members included Ali Pasha al-Dughmachi, Najib al-Rawwi, Hazim Shamdine Agha, Abdul Hadi al-Jalabi, Hajj Rayih al-Atiya, and Bahauddin al-Nakshebendi.
Adel Auni published a semi-weekly newspaper called “Al-Wahda,” which represented the party, with Darwish Lotfi Ma’rouf as the responsible editor. Nine issues were released before it ceased publication after the resignation of the ministry on February 23, 1934. The Ministry of the Interior subsequently declared the party dissolved. The second ministry of Yasin al-Hashimi also dissolved the parliament on April 9, 1935, thus preventing the Ministry of the Interior from allowing the party to continue its activities or publish a new newspaper in its name instead of the one that was suspended. As a result, the National Unity Party’s existence ended without leaving a mark on the political landscape.
Strangely, Ali Joudat al-Ayyubi, who formed three ministries at different times and published valuable memoirs, did not mention the National Unity Party at all in his memoirs, neither directly nor indirectly. Mr. Abdul Razzaq al-Husseini oversaw the publication of these memoirs and repeatedly prompted him to include something about his esteemed party without receiving his approval or a convincing response.
Conclusion
Political parties are considered the foundation of a democratic system, especially considering the historical circumstances in which they were established, as these conditions influence their activities, and most importantly, the nature of their political programs, which encompass the declared objectives of those parties and the means to achieve them, as viewed by their leaders and theorists.
However, the standing authority also plays a significant role as it regulates political life. It sets the conditions for the establishment of parties, grants licenses, and closely monitors their activities to assess their compliance, possessing the full authority to intervene and suspend their activities, whether permanently or temporarily, if deemed necessary.
The beginnings of political awareness in Iraq are linked to the last decade of Ottoman rule (1908 – 1918), when early political thought emerged alongside the authorities’ efforts to allow a regulated form of political activity. This was followed by unprecedented political changes with the British occupation in 1918, which permitted Iraqis to express their opinions, albeit without harming the occupier and under specific conditions.
This had positive repercussions with the establishment of the Iraqi state on August 23, 1921, as it was preceded by an unprecedented popular political movement that directly benefited from accumulated experiences, leading to increased pressure on the new government to allow the founding of political parties. This culminated in the approval of the Political Parties Law on July 2, 1922, which granted the freedom to establish political parties, paving the way for the first phase of party activity in Iraq (August 2, 1922 – April 29, 1935).
During that historical period, two primary traditional types of parties emerged in Iraq: the ruling parties and the opposition parties. The struggle between them defined the political life of that era, centered around the issue of defining the nature of relations with the British occupier, which served as the intellectual foundation for that historical period (1922 – 1932). Initially, opinions varied widely, and this issue soon spread to the popular circles, with newspapers, statements, demonstrations, elections, and other means of peaceful expression becoming the traditional tools employed by parties to voice their perspectives on pressing issues, particularly those with economic and social dimensions. This came into sharper focus following the establishment of relations with Britain through the signing of the 1930 Treaty, which led to Iraq’s eventual independence and its entry into the League of Nations on October 3, 1932. Subsequently, parties gained support for their proposals in later stages by adopting populist issues capable of engaging popular circles.
In sum, ruling parties enjoyed the bulk of political activity, referring to those parties established by the ministry or traditional political leaders upon their rise to power to support their political programs while seeking to counter opposition parties, which typically enjoyed greater popularity but lacked the necessary means to achieve their goals, especially given the authorities’ often obstinate stance toward them, adversely affecting their standing. Conversely, ruling parties tended to dissolve as soon as their leaders exited power, with their leaders quickly shifting towards other available opportunities.
Sources
Translation:
“Sameer Abdul Rasoul Alobeidi: Al-Mustansiriya University, Al-Mustansiriya Center for Arab and International Studies, Department of Historical Studies.
[2] For details, see: Raouf Al-Bahrani, Memoirs of Raouf Al-Bahrani: Glimpses of the Situation in Iraq at the End of the Ottoman Era 1900 – 1920 (Baghdad: Central Workers’ Press, 1992), Vol. 1.[3] Adel Ghafouri Khalil, The Legal Opposition Parties in Iraq (1946 – 1958) (Baghdad: International Library Publications, 1984), p. 19. For details, see: Wameedh Jamal Omar Nazmi, The Political, Intellectual, and Social Roots of the Arab Nationalist (Independent) Movement in Iraq, Doctoral Thesis Series; 5; 3rd Edition (Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies, 1986), pp. 177 – 195.[4] For details, see: Hameed Ahmed Hamdan Al-Tamimi and Akkab Yousef Al-Rikabi, Sayyid Alwan Al-Yasiri: Tribal Leadership and National Work, 1875 – 1951 (Beirut: Al-Aarif Publications, 2013), pp. 431 – 462.[5] Farouk Saleh Al-Omar, Political Parties in Iraq (1921 – 1932) (Basra: Center for Arabian Gulf Studies Publications, 1978), pp. 5 – 6. For details, see: Amer Hassan Fayadh, Roots of Democratic Thought in Modern Iraq, 1914 – 1939 (Baghdad: General Cultural Affairs House, 2002), pp. 149 – 199.[6] Hussein Jamil, Parliamentary Life in Iraq (1925 – 1946): The Position of the Al-Ahali Group (Baghdad: Al-Muthanna Library Publications, 1982), p. 23. For details, see: Raja Hussein Hasani Al-Khattab, Abd al-Rahman Al-Naqib: His Personal Life, Political Views, and Relations with His Contemporaries (Baghdad: International Library Publications, 1984).[7] For details on political parties and associations from (1908 – 1921), see: Abdul Jabbar Hassan Al-Jubouri, Political Parties and Associations in Iraq, 1908 – 1958 (Baghdad: Al-Hurriya Press, 1977), pp. 4 – 57.[8] Jaafar Abbas Hamidi, Contemporary History of Iraq 1914 – 1968 (Baghdad: Dar Adnan Publishing and Distribution, 2015), pp. 69 – 70.[9] Abdul Jabbar Abdul Mustafa, The Experience of the Frontline Work in Iraq between 1921 – 1958 (Baghdad: Ministry of Culture and Arts, 1978), pp. 89 – 90. For details, see: Al-Omar, Political Parties in Iraq (1921 – 1932), pp. 59 – 66.[10] For details, see: Ahmed Rafiq Al-Burqawi, Political Relations between Iraq and Britain 1922 – 1932, Studies Series; 217 (Baghdad: Dar Al-Rasheed Publishing, 1980).[11] During the period (July 2, 1922 – July 16, 1925), four parties were licensed, the first being the National Party led by Muhammad Jaafar Abu Al-Taman (August 2, 1922) and the Nahdha Society led by Muhammad Amin Al-Jarafji (August 19, 1922). These are considered the beginning of political opposition in Iraq. The Free Iraq Party, led by Mahmoud Al-Naqib (September 3, 1922), was established to support the existing authority (the third government of Abdul Rahman Al-Naqib, September 30 – November 16, 1922). A fourth party, led by Yassin Al-Hashimi (1884 – 1937), was founded during this period, called the Umma Party (August 19, 1924). For details, see: Abdul Razzaq Al-Hasani, History of Iraqi Political Parties: A Historical Study of Political Parties Formed in Iraq Between 1918 – 1958, 2nd Edition (Beirut: Dar Al-Rafidain, 1983), pp. 33 – 75.[12] Hamidi, Contemporary History of Iraq 1914 – 1968, p. 70.[13] Fayadh, Roots of Democratic Thought in Modern Iraq, 1914 – 1939, pp. 214 – 215.[14] Ahlam Hussein Jamil, The Political and Social Background of the Conditions Under Which the 1925 Constitution Was Applied in Iraq (Beirut: Arab Encyclopedia House, 1986), p. 55.[15] Nizar Tawfiq Sultan Al-Hasso, The Struggle for Power in Royal Iraq: An Analytical Study in Administration and Politics (Baghdad: Arab Horizons House, 1984), pp. 68 – 70.[16] Political activity was not limited to licensed political parties but extended to various clubs and associations. In 1930, there were 169 parties, associations, and clubs registered with the Ministry of Interior. For details, see: Sadiq Hassan Al-Sudani and Adel Taqi Abdul Al-Baldawi, Iraqi Associations, Parties, and Clubs, 1922 – 1930 (Baghdad: Thaer Al-Asami Institution, 2017), pp. 19 – 212.[17] Khalid Hassan Jumaa, Political Parties in Iraq, 1921 – 1968: A Study of Their Position on Arab Unity (Baghdad: Dar Al-Massader, 2011), pp. 128 – 129. For details on parties formed during the period (1925 – 1930), see: Ahlam Hussein Jamil, Political Thoughts of Iraqi Parties During the Mandate Period (1922 – 1932) (Baghdad: Al-Muthanna Library Publications, 1985), pp. 50 – 67.[18] Hamidi, Contemporary History of Iraq 1914 – 1968, p. 83.[19] Ghazi Faisal, “The Culture of Difference as a Condition for Democracy,” Al-Sabah (Baghdad), January 16, 2022.[20] For details, see: Tawfiq Al-Suwaidi, Iraqi Figures Across History (London: Riyad Al-Rais Books, 1987), pp. 83 – 94.[21] For details, see: Farouk Saleh Al-Omar, Iraqi-British Treaties and Their Impact on Internal Policy 1922 – 1948 (Baghdad: Ministry of Information, Al-Hurriya Press, 1977), pp. 243 – 346.[22] Abdul Ameer Hadi Al-Akam, The National Movement in Iraq, 1921 – 1933 (Najaf Al-Ashraf: Adab Press, 1975), pp. 341 – 342.[23] Abdul Razzaq Ahmed Al-Nasiri, Nuri Al-Said and His Role in Iraqi Politics; Reviewed by Kamal M. Ahmed (Baghdad: Al-Yaqza Arabic Library Publications, 1987), pp. 222 – 223.[24] Mustafa, The Experience of the Frontline Work in Iraq between 1921 – 1958, pp. 103 – 104.[25] Jamil, Political Thoughts of Iraqi Parties During the Mandate Period (1922 – 1932), pp. 68 – 69. For the internal regulations of the Iraqi Covenant Party, see: Al-Omar, Political Parties in Iraq (1921 – 1932), pp. 356 – 364.[26] Al-Hasani, History of Iraqi Political Parties: A Historical Study of Political Parties Formed in Iraq Between 1918 – 1958, pp. 112 – 113. For details, see: Naji Shawkat, Eighty Years of Memoirs 1894 – 1974, 4th Edition (Baghdad: Al-Yaqza Library Publications, 1990), Vol. 1, pp. 203 – 227.[27] Mustafa, The Experience of the Frontline Work in Iraq between 1921 – 1958, pp. 104 – 105.[28] For details, see: Al-Hasani, same source, pp. 101 – 104.[29] Sami Abdul Hafiz Al-Qaisi, Yassin Al-Hashimi and His Influence on Contemporary Iraqi History 1922 – 1936 (Amman: Dar Dijla, 2013), pp. 396 – 397. For the internal regulations of the National Brotherhood Party, see: Al-Omar, Political Parties in Iraq (1921 – 1932), pp. 365 – 383.[30] Qais Jawad Ali Al-Ghariri, Rashid Ali Al-Kilani and His Role in Iraqi Politics, 1892 – 1965 (Baghdad: Ministry of Culture, House of General Cultural Affairs, 1995), p. 143.
[31] Al-Qaisi, Yassin Al-Hashimi and His Influence on Contemporary Iraqi History 1922 – 1936, pp. 407 – 408.”
