- By Mohamed Benhalal and Youssef Karim (Center for Arab Unity Studies)
- Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdallah University, Fez – Morocco
- Translated by Mohamed Sakhri
The colonial phase derives its historical and political strength from the fact that it has not yet become a part of the past, as its repercussions, consequences, and turning points continue into the present. France, which exited Morocco through the political door with the declaration of independence, is returning without military intervention and colonial administrators, instead seeking to create objective conditions for the production of dependency relations according to new terms and different rules, and to manufacture tools aimed at reproducing relations of subjugation and control.
This study aims to expose the colonial phenomenon and highlight its profound effects in the present time from an inductive perspective that interrogates the questions of the present and raises its complexities and intricacies.
It has become self-evident that education and learning are the gateways to freeing thoughts and shaping minds, as well as subjugating and exploiting societies. The imperial powers have been keen to make education and training a guaranteed pathway to lay the foundations of this expansion and its continuation in the countries they colonized. In this context, we ask: How did France translate its expansionist intentions in the field of education within the framework of its colonial project in Morocco, which was followed by all French residents in Morocco during their administration, starting from Théodore Steeg, who succeeded General Lyautey in October 1925, to the last French resident general in Morocco, André-Louis du Bois? What is the relationship between the educational policies it enacted in Morocco before independence and the choices that shaped the educational policy of this independent country? Did Morocco manage to preserve its national identity and maintain its culture and linguistic and civilizational heritage in the post-colonial phase, or does the Francophone linguistic and ideological project stand as a barrier to cultural, linguistic, and scientific liberation away from the aspirations and choices of society? Should we blame the return of colonialism or the structure that accommodates it?
Answering the foundational questions of the study’s issue requires invoking adjacent and integrated fields of knowledge, such as political science, political sociology, and historical sociology, where we can see the methodological value of this approach in invoking history as a process and its ability to provide us with explanatory elements regarding the extent of the colonial legacy, the deep impacts of the colonial phase, and the degree of its continuity within the Moroccan modern state culturally, particularly concerning the linguistic choices of the Moroccan educational system.
This study is based on a fundamental hypothesis that Morocco is still considered under French influence, and that despite the collapse of the French state’s role in directly managing the country as it was during the colonial era, it has managed to keep Morocco within its orbit and sphere of interest through what is known as “new colonialism” or indirect colonialism. This policy is based on moving away from the notions of protectorate and direct colonization to a softer and more civilized concept but with fixed dimensions and backgrounds that reinforce the continuation of control and domination. This ongoing ideological influence of France is masked under a cultural and linguistic guise known as “Francophonie,” which France imposed on its former colonies and still adopts today to serve its interests, even at the expense of the interests of others—states, peoples, and value systems.
The study concludes with a central finding that the linguistic options in the Moroccan educational system, during the French colonial period, the independence period, and even in the present time, served as a tool of intellectual colonization, playing an ideological role that represented the interests of the French state and reinforced its “cultural supremacy.” However, there is a degree of reservation towards its exploitative nature and cultural hegemony contrasted with this acknowledgment.
First: Language and Educational Policy during the Colonial Era
The French colonial policy in Morocco was characterized, from early on, by a desire to impose its language and culture, as the colonial school solidified the dualism of useful Morocco/non-useful Morocco, thus creating a socio-economic and cultural rift. Useful Morocco is not only the Morocco of plains and fertile agricultural lands but also the Morocco of colonial modernization, the Morocco that speaks the language of the colonizers and is saturated with their culture.
To extract the dimensions of the educational policy implemented in Morocco by France during the protectorate, aimed at cultivating “Francophonie” in the Moroccan linguistic and cultural field, it is necessary to rely on selected texts from the literature of major theorists of the French protectorate system in Morocco, especially the early figures who laid the groundwork for establishing the Francophonie policy in Morocco, such as General Lyautey, Georges Hardy, and Paul Marty.
The French protectorate authorities were aware of the importance of language and its role in destabilizing and distorting the cultural identity of the inhabitants of this region of the Maghreb. They sought from the early years to impose the “Frenchification” of Moroccan administration, which became evident with Lyautey’s decree issued on June 16, 1921, instructing his representatives in the regions under their control to work towards erasing the local languages, both Arabic and Berber, in favor of the French language. In less than twenty years, the protectorate authorities managed to have all administrations operate in French. The education sector was not exempt from this; most subjects taught in schools were conducted in French except for religious subjects, in an attempt to undermine the Arabic language, which Lyautey described as “a factor in the spread of Islam, while in our interest we must develop the Berbers outside the framework of Islam.”
The late Moroccan thinker Mohamed Abed al-Jabri described the colonial phenomenon as a “total economic, social, political, and cultural phenomenon,” which is why we are not surprised by the colonizer’s interest in the cultural field in general and its insistence on making the education sector, in particular, a key entry point for establishing its colonial policy and a complementary element to military intervention. Thus, we find that it built and established schools for purposes and objectives that were not innocent; they aimed to instill colonial discourses in the minds of the youth to create a social class that defends France’s interests and is saturated with its culture. Jabri states in this respect: “French education in our country clearly aimed at ideologically framing students […]. For example, the subject of history was entirely a glorification of France and its greatness […], in addition to this, the glorification of the French language and the belittlement of the Arabic language and the countering of progressive national thought. The ultimate goal was to instill the French superiority in the minds of Moroccan children, causing them to feel inferior concerning themselves, their language, their culture, and their civilizational existence.”
French colonialism did not rely solely on material and military power to impose its control over humans and territory, but also used symbolic power to exert influence on individuals and groups within Moroccan society, shape mindsets, and entrench the imposed cultural discourse to create receptiveness to colonialism within this society. Education was the main driver for the success of the protectorate’s plan. In this context, Georges Hardy, the education policy official in French colonies and one of the theorists of colonial scientific research, stated clearly: “Power builds empires, but it is not what guarantees their continuity; heads bow in front of cannons, while hearts remain nourished by hatred and the desire for revenge. Souls must be subdued after bodies have been subdued.”
Marty was not outside the direction pursued by Hardy; he spoke of the political and social dimensions of the French educational project, saying: “We should not create—through education—a group of discontented, dissatisfied individuals who do not belong to any class. Let us maintain the masters of the future, combining the social elite with the intellectual elite, by granting high mental education only to the Moroccan societal elite, those capable of absorbing and employing it.”
Relying on these selected texts from the literatures of major theorists of the French protectorate system in Morocco, especially those early figures who laid the groundwork for establishing political, economic, military, and cultural dominance over Morocco, is essential for understanding any approach intending to analyze the components of the colonial phase and the depth of its impact in the subsequent phase. It is impossible to understand the present without “insight into the past,” and our knowledge of this past is only beneficial through establishing an interactive relationship between the present and the past, as pointed out by the spiritual father of the Annales School, Marc Bloch.
Second: The Continuation of Francophonie Linguistically and Ideologically
The linguistic options during the protectorate period that lasted 44 years (1912-1956) were neither neutral nor innocent or subject to development needs. Instead, they were ideologically directed by the colonizer, steering towards the service of long-term French interests, particularly in creating a social class saturated with French culture, defending France’s interests both within Morocco and abroad.
Presenting this critical information in the history of contemporary Morocco is essential for understanding all the transformations that this country underwent after independence. From the early years of its independence, Morocco faced a hidden colonial pressure aimed at establishing and reinforcing the presence of the French language in independent Morocco and legitimizing this presence, so that the general trait that characterized the new situation in Morocco became independence under continuity.
It is true that the colonial school did not succeed in eradicating the Arabic language or removing it from the field, which it viewed as the primary enemy due to its association with the Islamic religion—the main driving force of the culture of resistance. However, it would be a hollow nationalist arrogance to claim that it did not achieve significant successes in achieving the goal of “linguistic and cultural ‘rape’.” When the French colonial administration left Morocco, it left behind a strong French cultural and linguistic infrastructure that was ripe for exploitation for decades. This is evidenced by the fact that the French tongue remains, even now, the language of administration in most regions of Morocco and the language of education from primary schools to higher education and research. The French language continues to dominate higher functions and decision-making centers, including public administration, economy, media, and military sectors, at the expense of the Arabic and Amazigh languages. The language of political and sovereign decision-making is French, which elevates the “Francophone” class beyond being merely an educated class to a politically active one. France continues to maintain the hegemony of French-speaking elites over decision-making centers, based on the premise that the best and most effective guardians of French interests in Morocco are the Francophone Moroccans who subscribe to what are called the values of French civilization, chief among them secularism. Therefore, the leader Mehdi Ben Barka coined the term “Moroccanizing the protectorate” to criticize the state of affairs, signifying that the protectorate structure continued but with Moroccans. According to historian Hassan Ouriad, “some of these individuals held political positions in sensitive sectors, gained the trust of high institutions, and maintained their French citizenship. It was not merely an administrative document but a direction and a choice, indeed a doctrine.” This group was supported by a significant circle in Paris, comprising political, media, and financial figures, or those whom the Resident General Lucien Stéeg referred to during colonization as the tribe of ‘Oulad Lasin.’
Part of the fierce struggle in Morocco during the 1960s, in particular, was between a trend that was entrusted with the colonial legacy and a trend that wanted to rid itself of it. The battle was fierce because it was an existential battle. However, France did not merely produce ruling elites to implement its policies; it also succeeded in generating political and cultural elites that clashed with the first and became oppositional to them, protesting against their domestic policies, yet they did not free themselves from the dominance of the colonizer’s culture and language despite their national assets opposing colonialism. At a time when the Francophonie is unraveling in many French colonies in Africa, we find in Morocco political, economic, and cultural elites enamored with France to the point of infatuation, still performing the role of realizing the continuity of the Francophone project and fully prepared to defend its principles and directions more boldly than the colonizer itself, not hesitating to promote their interests even if they conflict with the interests of their native land.
Third: The Francophone Orientation of Moroccan Education
After Morocco’s independence, the country is still today seeking solutions to elevate its educational and training system through a series of interventions and restorative policies that generally do not exceed what the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu referred to as ritualistic reforms (Le Cérémonial des réformes). While Moroccans were able to confront French military expansion by driving out the occupying soldiers and achieving independence, the splinters of colonialism continue into the present, seeking, through the linguistic choices of the educational system in Morocco, to enforce alienation and reinforce the intellectual, ideological, psychological, and symbolic connection to France and its culture.
The colonial policy in education consisted of training a limited number of youth from different social classes, instilled with culture and knowledge, with colonial horizons. It relied on symbolic subjugation through the French language, history, and Western civilization to remain linked to the colonizer’s culture.
More than half a century after France’s departure, the cultural-linguistic structure continues to operate at its full capacity; it is tasked with contemplating educational issues and even with religion, shaping the vision of development. We will pause here at one of the most significant turning points in the history of contemporary Morocco, which revealed the effects of colonial splinters and created a complex linguistic and cultural reality. This moment allowed France to return to the homeland through its language and the multitude of its culture’s zealots. This is the moment related to the reform of the educational system, marked by the Moroccan parliament’s approval at the end of July 2019 of Framework Law No. 51.17 concerning the educational system, training, and scientific research. The second and thirty-first articles of this law stipulate reliance on “language alternation” to justify and pass the decision to teach scientific subjects in French instead of Arabic, which was established as the language for teaching these subjects nearly forty years ago. The passage of this “framework law” represented a strong regression towards a non-national choice, ultimately benefiting the French language, strengthening its presence in the educational system, displacing Arabic and other languages, and condemning new generations to reproduce a network of values differing from the shared Moroccan value system.
It should be noted here that the Arabization of education and the removal of French was a national project adopted by the national movement, viewed as a symbol of political independence and disconnection from France. It would be shameful, even a form of national treason, for someone to advocate for French in education. It should also be emphasized that adopting the French language as an instructional option instead of English does not merely refer to the French language itself in its didactic pedagogical sense, nor the necessity for Morocco to open up to learning foreign languages, including French. Rather, it signifies a cultural system framed as a dominance project haunted by a chauvinistic ideology seeking to connect Moroccans to France and its history, distorting cultural identity and falsifying collective memory to “save” French cultural and linguistic heritage from the encroachment of Anglophony.
The Francophone orientation of education in Morocco benefits France more than it does Morocco, with the French state bearing direct responsibility for the significant brain drain that Morocco experiences. Hundreds of outstanding Moroccan students who successfully completed preparatory courses, costing the Moroccan state millions of dirhams during their training, prefer to continue their studies in top French schools like the École Polytechnique, Mines, and Ponts. Rarely do these students return to work in Morocco. The French recruitment does not stop at students alone but extends to doctors and engineers, making France the primary beneficiary of this dependency on its educational model by attracting elites that defend its interests, employing them to serve its economy and development. Consequently, Morocco, in France’s view, is merely a former colony and a breeding ground for attracting gray matter. This renders cultural invasion, in its Francophone form, a facet of cultural dependency that undermines the supposed national independence under the guise of “civilizational” slogans that claim cultural dialogue and the revival of the colonially inherent nature of the French state, preserving its privileges. Every time, France reveals its ugly face, affirming its superior perspective and discardful rhetoric, filled with uprooting and the rejection of the national common good and all values of diversity and difference.
Language is a component of identity. The mental analysis of identity calls for recognizing language as the basis of identity, both in construction and expression; this is a truth that deserves existence. The loss of linguistic identity will inevitably lead to the loss of the Arabic identity of Moroccans and belonging to the self. Maintaining the Arabic identity and language is but an attachment to human identity, as “it is a disgrace to recognize all identities except for the prominent Arabic identity in our Modern Standard Arabic and in our dialectical Arabic.”
Conclusion
Moroccan-French relations retain a unique character, with the historical and colonial legacy playing a pivotal role in the equation. The contemporary reality of Morocco cannot be understood without reviewing the colonial phase for its significance in determining the dynamics of the formation of the modern state in this country—its economy, society, and culture—all of which are significantly related to the period preceding independence. The assault on identity was a fundamental component of French colonial policy, and it’s natural that the economy, society, and culture underwent structural transformations. The linguistic choices of the educational system necessitate considerable courage in a country like Morocco, given historical connections and a strong desire to preserve interests. There exists a sense of “cultural patronage” felt by Moroccans towards France that has contributed to the emergence of a Moroccan elite with French thought. However, alongside this recognition lies a degree of reservation and criticism towards its exploitative conduct and cultural hegemony. French is not merely a language of scientific and technical communication or a language of sciences; it is a political and cultural language attempting to impose its normative values on the countries it targets, crafted with political character as a project for dominance. The insistence on using French and strengthening its presence in the educational system constitutes a blow to Moroccan identity and reinforces dependency on France, directly and dangerously affecting the country’s sovereignty and independence. When we consider France’s linguistic policy regarding scientific research and the insistence of French institutions and universities to entrench English as a language of circulation and scientific writing on both national and international levels, the transition from Francophonie to Anglophonie becomes an urgent and pressing functional necessity. Relying on a scientifically and technically outdated language in terms of any development or advance becomes a losing wager, resulting in failure and backwardness.
It is true that one cannot envision the identity of peoples without considering their past, and the negative residues of the past are not a predetermined fate. However, what is required, especially from France, is to surpass that colonial, superior perspective weighed down by historical residues, which views Morocco as an entity that should remain subordinate and under some form of guardianship. Such a condescending attitude creates diplomatic relations that breed injustice and grievance, which Morocco and all Southern countries can no longer accept. Therefore, it is necessary to re-read the shared historical, cultural, and civilizational legacy between Morocco and France with a calm, realistic, and constructive perspective that looks towards the future, liberated from the burdens of the past and its taboos. Herein lies the new horizon for partnership and respect.
Sources:
This article was published in Al-Mustaqbal Al-Arabi Magazine, Issue 547, September 2024.
[1] Mohamed Benhalal: Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdallah University, Fez – Morocco.Youssef Karim: Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdallah University, Fez – Morocco.
[2] Lahcen Madi, “Educational Policy in Morocco and Future Stakes,” Publications of the Journal of Educational Sciences; 4 (Rabat: Moroccan Company for Printing and Publishing, 1999), pp. 22-23.
[3] Mohamed Abed al-Jabri, “Towards a Progressive Vision of Some of Our Intellectual and Educational Issues,” 4th ed. (Casablanca: Moroccan Publishing House, 1983), p. 172.
[4] Ahmed Soualem, “Colonial Education in Morocco: Characteristics and Features 1912-1956,” Al-Manahil, Issue 97 (October 2019), p. 284.
[5] Jabri, op. cit., p. 176.
[6] A collection of studies published on Morocco: its customs, traditions, rituals, and its social, political, and economic structures. Notable works include: Georges Hardy: “The Moroccan Soul according to French Literature” (Paris: E. Larose, 1926); “The Moroccan,” Annales de Géographie, vol. 36, no. 202 (1927), pp. 336-346; “The Soul of the Cities: Example of Fez,” Bulletin de l’Association des géographes français, vol. 6, no. 32 (April 1929), pp. 38-40; and “The ‘Library’ of Indigenous Schools in Africa,” Africa (Journal of the International African Institute), vol. 1, no. 2 (April 1928), pp. 145-156.
[7] Quoted by Mohamed Abed al-Jabri in his work: “Lights on the Education Problem in Morocco” (Casablanca: Moroccan Publishing House, 1973), p. 18.
[8] Quoted by Mohamed Abed al-Jabri in his book “Education in the Maghreb” (Casablanca: Moroccan Publishing House, 1989), p. 20.
[9] Marc Bloch, “Apologie pour l’histoire ou Métier d’historien,” Cahier des annales; 3, 2nd ed. (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1952) p. 27.
[10] Rachid Larqou, “Educational Practices in the Moroccan School from 1912 to 2016: Education or Ideology?” Journal of Human and Social Sciences (Center for Studies and Research, Khalid Hassan Publications), Issue 6 (Fall 2016), p. 204.
[11] Bushra Zkagh, “Managing Cultural Affairs in Morocco during the Colonial Phase,” Omran for Social Sciences, Year 5, Issue 17 (Summer 2016), p. 56.
[12] Abdul Ilah Belkheir, Ed., “Francophonie: Ideology, Policies, Cultural-Linguistic Challenges: A Panel Discussion Organized by the Center for Arab Unity Studies” (Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies, 2011), pp. 20-21.
[13] Amin al-Bar and Munir Baskri, “The Place of Maghreb in French Foreign Policy” (Alexandria: Al-Wafa Legal Library, 2014), p. 36.
[14] See: Hassan Ouriad, “Colonialism and the Structure of Colonialism,” Al-Quds Al-Arabi, 25/8/2020, https://rebrand.ly/hbiqalb (accessed on August 26, 2020).
[15] Belkheir, Ed., “Francophonie: Ideology, Policies, Cultural-Linguistic Challenges,” p. 28.
[16] Mohamed Faubar, “The Sociology of Colonial Knowledge Production Regarding Education in Morocco,” Omran for Social Sciences, Year 5, Issue 17 (Summer 2016), p. 71.
[17] The framework law No. 51.17 concerning the educational system is composed of a preamble and 60 articles distributed over dozens of chapters, and as stated in its preamble, it is “a binding legislative reference in shaping the necessary legislative and regulatory texts for implementing the goals, directions, and principles related to reforming the educational system.”
[18] Idris al-Kanbouri, “The Education Crisis and the Language of ‘Tadris’,” Moroccan Center for Contemporary Studies and Research, June 13, 2020, (accessed on June 16, 2021).
[19] According to global statistics from 2015, as per the World Factbook published by American intelligence, the percentage of the population speaking French does not exceed 3.05% of the world population, and interest in learning it is in continuous decline, leading to its ongoing regression, currently occupying the ninth position after having been in eighth position just five years ago, qualifying it for potential exit from the list of the ten most spoken languages.
[20] See: Maher Malakh, “Francophonie, That Heavy Shadow,” a site article in the Hespress newspaper, 4/3/2016, https://rebrand.ly/58pxep1 (visited on March 4, 2022).
[21] Ahmed Al-Alawi, in “Questions of Language are Questions of Linguistics: A Half-Century of Linguistics in Arab Culture,” Edited and Presented by Hafiz Ismaili Alawi and Waleed Ahmed Al-Anati (Beirut: Arab Science Publishers; Rabat: Dar Al-Aman; Algeria: Differences Publications, 2009), p. 23.
