China’s Ascent to the Top: Reflections on a Unique Development Model

Developmental progress and democratic transitions around the world have garnered increased attention from scholars and researchers in political science, as well as many academics who have been studying experiences and patterns of democratic transitions since the mid-1980s. Many countries, following their national independence, have generally adopted a standard model for democratic transformation and transition from rigid authoritarian regimes to pluralistic democratic systems. This scholarly pursuit has deepened, particularly with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the Cold War, and the disintegration of the Eastern bloc, specifically during what was called the third wave of democracy.

China: Between the Standard Model of Transition and the Unique Pattern of Development

China’s experience with democratic transition began with a distinctive and unique non-standard pattern, with the successors of the late Chinese leader Mao Zedong assuming power in 1976. The country witnessed a series of profound transformations at all levels in the management of state and society, which radically differed from the totalitarian model that prevailed during Mao Zedong’s era and was established by the early leadership of the Chinese Communist Party according to the reference of the Little Red Book. In the post-Mao Zedong era, China followed a deliberate path of comprehensive and economic transformation, particularly implementing qualitative economic reforms in the Chinese way. The Chinese developmental and economic experience has proven its ability to withstand major regional and global changes that encompassed the international system. It has provided an innovative experience in implementing reform and development processes that have left their mark on the world’s trajectory. Therefore, China’s developmental experience and its unique development model are worthy of scientific observation and objective exploration, thus deserving a comprehensive study inspired by its spirit.

Scope and Historical Context of Analysis: Reflections on China’s Experience

Through this article, we aim to determine the future of the unique developmental and democratic transition processes in China, after examining the most important indicators and determinants of these processes themselves. We primarily focus on the period following Mao Zedong’s death in 1976 and Deng Xiaoping’s assumption of power in 1978 until the present. This period witnessed a series of transformations in China at all political, economic, and social levels.

Our analysis can be divided into four fundamental levels, which we will address as follows:

The first level is the theoretical framework of the democratic transition process in general, where we will discuss the main concepts as well as the causes and indicators of democratic transition. The key concepts can be identified as follows:

The political system, as the organized political institution that aims to achieve the highest goals of society according to its unique civilizational model, and the concept of democracy, which is based on the principle of delegating power in the form of representative representation through free elections, and the concept of democratic transition, which is the central concept, defined as the process of transitioning from authoritarian rule to democratic rule, i.e., the retreat of authoritarian regimes to be replaced by others based on genuine popular choice, legitimate political institutions, and fair elections as a means of exchanging and rotating power or accessing it as an alternative to individual rule and violation of the reference of laws and the supremacy of the constitution.

As for the causes of democratic transition, we have distinguished between internal and external causes, with the latter characterized by originating from outside the state, where the transition is imposed on the state from the outside.

As for the patterns of democratic transition, we have identified three patterns in sequence: transition from above, transition through negotiation, and transition from below.

Applying the Theoretical Model of Transition to the Chinese Experience

We will then proceed to test the aforementioned theoretical framework and apply it to China as a distinctive model. We can observe some of the main indicators of democratic and developmental transition in China in order to understand the pattern of transition, as well as the stage that China has reached in its democratic developmental transition. Several key indicators can be identified to test the extent of democratic transition in China, such as:

The main characteristics of the Chinese political system, Political changes and the dominance of the reformist current, Indicators of economic transition, And the increasing role of civil society.

Regarding the main characteristics of the Chinese political system, they can be identified in the following features:

• The concentration of state power in the institutions and structures of the Communist Party and the operation of a highly centralized state model that controls the channels of influence on society.
• The existence of an official ideology embraced by the ruling elite and the ruling party, which serves as the foundation for building and formulating the state’s public policies domestically and internationally, representing a comprehensive intellectual and ideological framework that shapes and determines the ultimate goals of society and provides an explanation for the general social reality.
• The existence of a strong and hierarchically organized Communist Party, whose jurisdictions intersect with those of central and regional government and state institutions.

As for political changes and the dominance of the reformist current, it can be identified as follows:

After Mao’s death in 1976, the Chinese political scene witnessed a power struggle between the conservative and reformist currents within the political leadership of the Chinese Communist Party. This struggle was resolved during the third session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party at the end of 1978, with Deng Xiaoping assuming the task of rebuilding and reorganizing the Chinese household from within. He focused on amending the electoral system, upholding the rule of law, combating corruption, changing the mindset of the elite, and promoting the role of technocrats alongside the bureaucratic elite.

Regarding economic transition, it can be affirmed that China has witnessed a series of reforms that began in the early 1980s, specifically in September 1982, during the Twelfth Party Congress, which adopted the use of market economy mechanisms alongside the centralized planning approach in the economy – the mixed economy model. The mentioned reforms resulted in the adoption of some principles of the market economy, but with Chinese characteristics.

The most prominent economic transitions mentioned can be identified as follows:

1- The transition towards a market economy, represented by the adoption of macroeconomic mechanisms according to the state capitalism model, in terms of taxes, loans, foreign exchange, price system adjustment, and the adoption and deepening of agricultural reform policies.

2- The creation of special economic zones, as the central Chinese government exerted its weight to enhance the success of these zones, considering their success as a means to attract and stimulate foreign investments, improve the investment climate, and uplift the surrounding areas. This is directly evident in the development of self-governing systems, which now include four advanced self-governing regions, where local culture, civilizational foundations, religious and unique traditions are invested to support the diverse and fertile fabric of the Chinese model – an example of this is the Ningxia region, with its Muslim majority among the religious minorities in the People’s Republic of China and its self-governing system.

3- The emergence of the private sector and the strong growth of the non-governmental sector alongside state-owned institutions: It can be noted that the initiation of the reform and opening-up movement and the emergence of the private sector were adopted during the third session of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party in 1984, with the aim of uplifting the industrial sector and improving the standard of living. Its orientations were reflected in the adoption of decentralization in decision-making within the administrative authority, the market playing a major role in planning and formulating economic policies, and the reform of the pricing system according to the market system. However, we affirm that the reformist policies in China still face significant difficulties.

As for the increasing role of civil society in China, the country has witnessed in recent years an increase in awareness among sectors of the population about their democratic and political rights, and the demand for them through social movements or through informal organizations that work to achieve their interests and demand their rights. Civil society movements have also been characterized by an important feature, which is cooperation among them, as manifested in expressions of support and participation among different segments of society. They have also been characterized by the unity of their higher goals, represented in the demand for democracy, the expansion of the margin of civil liberties, and the fight against corruption, nepotism, and clientelist networks.

However, the ability of civil society forces to influence the Chinese political decision-making process remains very limited, unapparent, and monitored.

Determinants of Transition: The Dialectic of Tradition and Modernization in the Chinese Development Model

By determinants of democratic developmental transition in general, we mean the reasons and motives behind the profound political change towards promoting a policy of reform and opening-up, and these determinants vary from one case to another. For the Chinese experience, the main determinants of transition in the developmental and democratic model can be identified as follows: Chinese culture, economic transitions, political determinants, the role of the external factor, economic and commercial soft power, and the solidarity dimension of traditional culture.

Regarding the first determinant, we aim to understand the extent to which the political system is consistent with the central dimensions of political culture in China, which is based on solidarity and compassion units, and the profound changes that can be discovered in this culture.

We can see that Chinese cultural heritage is characterized by great depth and authenticity, social rootedness, and a solid historical legacy. Chinese society is a highly interconnected familial society, and the vertical authoritarian relationships within the political and social system are clearly strict, reflecting and embodying traditional culture in particular, and the moral spirit with its Confucian content, which is stronger than the reference of the law itself, despite its apparent and evident strictness. Some statistics and oral surveys indicate that the percentage of the traditional society in China ranges between 70-80% of the population, who constitute the rural society and a percentage of new urban migrants. The traditional rural society forms a strong fortress in all societies for resisting traditional culture and a fortified stronghold for social conservatism. This means that the traditional relationship between power and society has a long time ahead to dismantle its pillars. This unique resilience of traditions has enabled the new rulers in China to be aware of the resistance of traditional culture and the resilience of its structures in the battle of survival and civilizational uniqueness, and to invest all of this in the battle of survival, distinction, and resilience against the raging winds of globalization.

Therefore, it can be affirmed that the pattern of interaction between traditional culture in China and political power in all its manifestations and possibilities for development is, in one of its dimensions, dependent on the pattern of development in the conservative cultural structure of society itself. The relationship between the citizen and power, based on obedience and submission in Chinese traditional culture, requires a transition from the level of political culture based on submission and surrender to another level based on a culture of participation in public life, especially political life, which is equally dependent on the pattern of transitions in this cultural structure and the changes it can witness in the era of satellite channels, the internet, and openness to different cultures and contrasting civilizational patterns in the direction of civilizational acquaintance and cultural dialogue.

Economic Development as the Engine of Political Transition

As for the second determinant, represented by economic transitions and their impact on the profound transition process in the People’s Republic of China, it can be said that economic development is what leads to profound transition according to the Chinese development model. It is the first pillar through which the scope of political participation can be extended to broader social segments, which may require achieving a greater degree of administrative decentralization and political democracy to ensure the continuation of the economic development process itself.

In this regard, it can be said that economic reforms in China have opened the door for dialogue on a number of important political issues, including how to reach a suitable formula for reconciling the political system and centralized planning in economic matters with the open market economy and competition mechanisms in many aspects of the Chinese economy. Therefore, it can be concluded that in order for a democratic transition to occur at a more comprehensive level of development, at the heart of which is the enhancement of opportunities and means of popular participation in China, economic modernization must be organized and the political effects and instability of the developed economic development model that may arise from the transition from a planned economy to a decentralized market economy must be addressed.

This may require the issuance of legislation and decisions that guide the modernization process and redistribute resources to achieve social justice and respond to the aspirations and ambitions of individuals for more political and economic freedoms, which represents a difficult test for the political system’s ability to meet these social requirements, which represent internal pressures, in addition to external pressures that have arisen from the dynamics of the Chinese economy’s integration into the international economic cycle and the external opening policy within the framework of the structural and major economic reforms.

However, it can be affirmed that China still has a lot to accomplish on its path to profound democratic transition towards more collective and individual freedoms and the development of political development and popular participation in strategic political decision-making.

Internal and External Factors of the Great Transition

As for the third determinant in the democratic transition process in China, it can be noted that the country has been exposed to a large number of internal and external political changes. These have had the greatest impact in determining China’s direction towards economic opening, developmental takeoff, and comprehensive democratic uplift. A distinction can be made between internal and external factors and their role in pushing China towards the ongoing great transition for two decades.

First: The Role of the Political Culture of the Leading Elite

The most prominent internal changes are represented in:

1- The ideological transition in the thinking of the political elite, which was reflected in the decrease in the average age among members of the leading elite of the takeoff and opening-up experience, with the adoption of the principle of competition in party and public responsibilities and the principle of fixed terms for holding public and party positions, set at two consecutive terms. The reconsideration of the leaderships that were marginalized, excluded, and expelled during and after what was called the Cultural Revolution, and their political liquidation and isolation from the field of strategic public decision-making and public work. The increase in the level of education among the people and the leading elite. The emergence of the role of technocrats. The emergence of social, civil, and academic elites as an alternative to the dogmatic and doctrinal elite.

2- The increasing role of the legislative authority and the representative elite in the structure of the party and the political system alike, and the development of the reference of law and institutions as a sovereign authority, which is reflected in the development of the legislative system and the gradual work on building a rule of law state. These have become an important goal for the rising political leadership in China since the launch of the reform and opening-up policy in the 1970s.

3- The modernizing and civil role of the military institution in China through its exposure to a large number of reforms called “restructuring.” The most prominent features of which can be considered in the decrease in the number of army units, the increase in the level of education among its members, and its subjection to the requirements of China’s role in the international system and international conflicts.

Second: The Role of China’s Position in the International System

The external factors and their role in pushing the transition process can be identified as follows:

The most prominent external factors and their role in the course of developmental and democratic transition in China can be identified in the return of Hong Kong and Macau to China, and the normalization of Sino-American relations and their impact on the democratic transition in China.

The experience of the return of Hong Kong and then Macau to China has proven the success of the principle set by the late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, which is the principle of “one country, two systems,” which stipulates that there is no objection to the Chinese mainland being socialist while some of its parts enjoy a different and distinct economic system, which is the capitalist or state capitalist system. This success is enhanced by the fact that these two experiences were not followed by political or economic problems with a significant impact. This has alleviated the intensity of the fears that gripped political circles during their return to Chinese sovereignty. This is what the Chinese leadership had planned in advance to maximize the benefit from these two experiences as a preparatory stage for the recovery of Taiwan afterwards.

As for the second external determinant in the democratic transition process in China, which is the direction of Sino-American relations towards political normalization, it can be affirmed that the Chinese perspective focuses on China’s great interest in the stability and development of Sino-American relations, but it never recognizes what is called “leading states” and “subordinate states.” It also opposes the principle of American hegemony due to its negative effects on the relations between the two countries and international relations in general.

On the other hand, China sees that a multipolar world is a historical direction that cannot be resisted and that the development of this system leads to world peace based on political balance in the international system. China calls for all countries of the world to make joint efforts to establish a new international political and economic system based on the principles of peaceful coexistence, emphasizing in this its rejection of the principle of hegemony by the United States and the rejection of subordination in foreign policy, which is the principle adopted by the Chinese leadership itself in its foreign policy, and in this, it does not seek hegemony, as affirmed by Chinese leaders such as Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and others.

The Chinese vision of this relationship emphasizes the importance of the strategic relationship between it and the United States and the necessity of finding common ground for understanding in contentious issues through joint efforts with the commitment to the principle of “building a strategic partnership” with the aim of pushing bilateral relations forward towards a new stage of international relations.

The Future of the Developmental Transition of the Chinese Model and Sciences

Finally, it can be said that the future of the comprehensive transition process in China is based on enhancing the image of openness and controlled, organized, and monitored political change by the Chinese political leadership.

Chinese democracy should be based on the leadership of the Communist Party according to the reference of the leading elites in the People’s Republic of China, and the transition towards political openness must be calm, deep, and gradual, even if it appears slow. Therefore, the authoritarian legacies that led to the acceptance of obedience to the system are the same ones that tilt the balance of the reform path from above without the other paths. The transition towards democracy requires a type of gradualism until political democracy is born in China as communism was born before.

As for the future of the democratic transition in China, it has become almost certain that the position of the Chinese Communist Party towards the process of reform and opening-up and the improvement of participatory democracy and the rule of law has become more entrenched after the radical changes witnessed by the party’s leadership elite and the transformations that have occurred in the party’s philosophy itself. This vision was crystallized in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Party Congresses through the party’s adoption of the strategy of the socialist market economy and economic opening, and the beginning of a new round of ideological liberation according to Jiang Zemin’s theory of the three representations, with the affirmation that the Chinese Communist Party is committed to making deep but gradual changes in the structure of power and the leading party elite in preparation for the Eighteenth Party Congress, which is scheduled to be held in the coming months, with preparations underway for the convening of the Chinese Communist Party’s plenary session.

Therefore, the new leadership of the Communist Party, represented by the fourth generation, including Hu Jintao, and the upcoming one, faces significant tasks in being a strong guarantee for China’s progress towards more political democratic transitions and deep liberalism. The future of China will be largely determined by the orientations and ideas of the rising Chinese leadership, which can be predicted to continue as a rising international power in the coming decades, and to move forward in pursuing economic reform policies, maintaining the growth rates achieved in recent years, which are among the strategic goals of the system and the party together, so as not to negatively affect its legitimacy and credibility. On the other hand, it is not expected that these economic and political opening reforms, which are expected to continue, will be accompanied by political reforms and the adoption of a distinctive democratic approach in growth, uplift, and takeoff.