Challenges of the Transitional Period in Nepal After the Formation of the Interim Government

In a swift response to the political vacuum caused by the resignation of Nepalese Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, following the violent protests that swept the country on September 8–9, leaving more than 50 dead, over 1,300 injured, and 13,000 prisoners escaping from jails, and in line with the demands of Generation Z representatives who spearheaded the latest protest movement, President Ram Chandra Paudel appointed on September 12 former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as head of a six-month interim government. He also announced the dissolution of the House of Representatives, elected in November 2022, and scheduled parliamentary elections for March 5, 2026.
Although Paudel’s decisions coincided with reports that life had begun returning to normal in the capital, Kathmandu—the epicenter of the most violent protests—there are both overt and covert moves suggesting that the transitional phase may not proceed as smoothly as hoped by the new prime minister or the Generation Z movement backing her. This raises the possibility of renewed protests, a fresh wave of chaos, and disruptions to the interim government’s agenda and timeline—or even worse developments. The situation will test the government’s capacity to navigate this critical juncture.
The speed with which the protests toppled the previous government, and the equally swift response by the army and the president in initiating a national dialogue and appointing a temporary cabinet to preserve stability, do not eliminate the numerous challenges facing Karki’s transitional administration. The most prominent challenges include:
1. Constitutional Controversy Over Karki’s Appointment
The first challenge arises from the very appointment of Sushila Karki. Generation Z called for amending—not abolishing—the 2015 constitution to meet urgent national needs. Critics immediately questioned the constitutional grounds for appointing Karki, who is not a member of parliament, despite Nepal’s parliamentary system and Article 76, which requires the prime minister to command a majority in the House of Representatives.
Experts argue that upon a prime minister’s resignation, the president must invite parliament to form a government. If no party holds a majority, as in the 2022 legislature, lawmakers should establish a caretaker cabinet until general elections are held.
However, officials defended Karki’s appointment under Article 61, which defines the president’s duties. Clause 2 empowers the president to perform official functions, while Clause 4 obliges the president to uphold and protect the constitution—thus justifying the designation of a temporary prime minister.
Karki was sworn in at President Paudel’s office in the presence of Vice President Ram Sahay Yadav, Chief Justice Prakash Man Singh Rawat, Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel, former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai, and Kathmandu’s young mayor Balendra Shah.
Still, the Nepal Bar Association condemned both her appointment and the dissolution of parliament as unconstitutional, vowing to protest and seek legal remedies against Paudel’s actions. This constitutional dispute casts an early shadow over the interim phase.
2. Fierce Opposition From Traditional Political Parties
Despite the collapse of Sharma Oli’s government under the weight of protests that set fire to the prime minister’s office, the Supreme Court building, parliament, and the headquarters of Oli’s Communist Party of Nepal (UML), as well as the ruling coalition’s partner, the Nepali Congress (Paudel’s party), traditional political forces quickly regrouped during the short pause before Karki’s appointment, as the army asserted control.
The three main political parties expressed outright defiance. UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel ridiculed the decisions as “absurd” and urged protests. On September 12, dissolved House Speaker Dev Raj Ghimire (UML) and National Assembly Speaker Narayan Dahal (Maoist Center) issued a joint statement demanding adherence to Article 76. Both boycotted Karki’s swearing-in despite official invitations. Similarly, the Nepali Congress declared complete rejection of the “unconstitutional” decisions.
These parties—ruling Nepal since the monarchy’s abolition in 2008, rotating the premiership 17 times without completing a full term—may mobilize supporters under the banner of defending “democracy,” exploiting long-cultivated networks. They are also likely to align with the Nepal Bar Association to legitimize their opposition.
Recognizing this danger, Paudel appealed to all stakeholders, especially political parties, to cooperate and prioritize national interests to ensure elections proceed as scheduled.
3. Potential Divisions Within Generation Z
Although Generation Z dominates Nepal’s current political scene and Paudel’s decisions closely matched their demands, the movement lacks key elements for sustained influence. The protests were sparked mainly by anti-corruption posts on social media rather than coordinated leadership.
The sudden emergence of 15 representatives raises questions about their legitimacy and unity. Their large number suggests difficulties in reaching consensus, let alone rallying behind a single leader. Moreover, Generation Z’s libertarian mindset and volatile temperament may hinder cohesion.
Even the choice of Karki divided them, with some preferring younger figures like Mayor Balendra Shah (35) or former Electricity Authority head Kulman Ghising. In the end, they reluctantly agreed on Karki, despite concerns about her age (73).
Furthermore, lacking political experience, the 15 representatives declined roles in the interim cabinet, despite earlier demands for inclusion, citing “political immaturity” and opting instead to monitor Karki’s performance from the outside.
4. Karki’s Own Professional Background and Experience
Prime Minister Karki is primarily a jurist. While her legal expertise and appointment are seen as positive steps toward political renewal and democratic flexibility, her limited political and administrative experience may be problematic.
Managing Nepal’s fragile and complex political landscape requires advanced negotiation skills and balancing diverse stakeholders. If Karki focuses only on Generation Z’s demands, she risks alienating opposition forces, allowing them to push their own agendas.
Additionally, she will likely struggle against entrenched corruption and bureaucratic inertia that have plagued Nepal for at least a decade.
5. Ambiguity Surrounding the Army’s Role
Despite Army Chief Ashok Sigdel’s impartial conduct—restoring order on September 9 and transferring authority to Karki upon her appointment—questions remain about military neutrality.
Reports indicate some officers proposed including the extremist Rastriya Swatantra Party in the national dialogue and interim cabinet. The army also evacuated former PM Oli and other officials to safety in its bases during the unrest, fueling doubts about selective loyalties.
Such inconsistencies suggest that certain military figures, yet unidentified, may play a disruptive role during the transition.
6. Monarchist Attempts to Revive the Royal Legacy
For nearly 240 years, until 2008, Nepal was a Hindu monarchy. King Gyanendra Shah abdicated under Maoist pressure, ushering in the republic.
Although Gyanendra declared on September 12 that he had no desire to return, emphasizing that “no system is greater than civil liberty,” signs indicate monarchist undercurrents. His grandson Hirendra Shah was notably active during recent protests. Some demonstrators claimed Hindu nationalists infiltrated the rallies, inciting violence and provoking security forces, leading to casualties.
The Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), which held 14 seats in the dissolved parliament, is resurging under right-wing businessman Durga Prasai with the explicit goal of restoring monarchy.
The civil society group Brihat Nagarik Andolan warned on September 11 of a “dangerous conspiracy to reinstate the monarchy, abolish secularism, and dismantle federalism—over the bodies of Generation Z martyrs.” This raises the risk of intensified Hindu nationalist mobilization against the interim government.
Conclusion
Nepal’s transitional phase under Prime Minister Sushila Karki is fraught with challenges that demand wisdom, caution, and political skill. This period is expected to lay the groundwork for a new political chapter, meeting the aspirations of Nepal’s people while ensuring stability.
To succeed, Karki must not rely solely on Generation Z but instead seek broader consensus through an inclusive interim government that can block attempts to derail the transition. Ultimately, only time will reveal whether her administration can weather these pressures and deliver on its mandate.



